‘We love Taiwan’: Domestic workers hope for more from new President Lai | Workers’ Rights News

Taipei, Taiwan – As Taiwan’s President William Lai Ching-te begins his four-year term, the democratic island’s legions of Southeast Asian migrant domestic workers are hoping he will push ahead with labour reforms that might improve their working lives.

According to Taiwan’s Ministry of Labour, there were more than 760,000 foreign workers on the island as of the end of March, most of them from Indonesia, the Philippines and Vietnam.

Many work in manufacturing and construction, but they also look after the elderly in healthcare facilities as well as in private homes – a key role considering Taiwan’s rapidly ageing society.

While Taiwan’s monthly minimum salary was increased to 27,470 New Taiwan dollars ($853) this year, migrant domestic workers, who also have to pay expenses related to their recruitment, were excluded.

William Lai officially took over as Taiwan’s new president on Monday [Taiwan Presidential Office via AFP]

Bonny Ling, the executive director of Work Better Innovations (WBI) – a social enterprise that advocates for decent working conditions, including for Southeast Asians in Taiwan – says the new government should take steps to address the fees workers pay. This includes fees before they leave – for things such as medical checks, visas, training and flights – and once they are on the island.

Ling says recruitment costs should be paid by employers in the same way as for high-wage workers. “We really need to be honest with ourselves and ask: why is this the case, are we saying that low-waged work is less valuable?” she told Al Jazeera.

“Are we saying that those who are the least able to bear the cost of recruitment should pay, sometimes several months of their work to years go back into paying these fees and costs – is this just?”

Taiwan, with a population of more than 23 million, is expected to become a “super-aged society” by 2025, according to its National Development Council.

Ratih Kabinawa, an adjunct research fellow at the University of Western Australia’s School of Social Sciences, said an increasing number of women were also having to go out to work to help boost family incomes.

“These Taiwanese families entrust their parents to the care of migrant workers,” she said.

Al Jazeera asked three Southeast Asian caregivers in Taiwan about their lives.

Anggi Sofiasyah Lacuba, 29

Anggi Sofiasyah Lacuba. She's at the station in Taipei. She's wearing a ouff jacket with a headscarf and has her arms crossed
Anggi Sofiasyah Lacuba hopes to one day pursue a master’s degree in Taiwan [Randy Mulyanto/Al Jazeera]

Originally from Indonesia’s North Sumatra province, Anggi Sofiasyah Lacuba has worked for several Taiwanese families since moving to the island in 2020. Since mid-2023, the 29-year-old has been taking care of a grandmother, now in her 90s, in eastern Taiwan’s Hualien County.

Anggi said she did not entirely support ending the role of recruitment agents in Taiwan because it could disadvantage people unable to speak Mandarin, but she felt that, on balance, it would be a “very good” move.

The mother of two paid about 30 million Indonesian rupiah ($1,881) to her agency in Indonesia to secure her job in Taiwan. The fees covered one month of training, language classes and meals in East Java before departure, as well as a flight ticket to the island. They were deducted from her wages during her first seven months of work. A fee for the recruitment agency’s Taiwanese office was also taken from her monthly pay.

With the fees paid off, Anggi now takes home some 20,000 New Taiwan dollars ($621) a month.

“If agencies are abolished, can employers allow it if we have things outside [work] – whether we arrange our health insurances, passport, visa or whatever?” she told Al Jazeera. These issues are currently handled by agents.

Anggi hopes to return home in the next year or two so she can apply for a student visa and go back to Taiwan to pursue a master’s degree on a scholarship.

She hopes Lai’s administration will help ease the visa application process.

Sandra Suril, 48

Sandra Suril would like the government to remove the monthly broker’s fee that workers need to pay [Randy Mulyanto/Al Jazeera]

Sandra Suril, a mother of three, has worked in New Taipei, near the Taiwanese capital, since 2017. She is from Baguio in the northern Philippine island of Luzon.

She takes care of a blind man, now in his 20s, accompanying him to university and making sure he takes his medication, among other responsibilities.

Suril says she hopes the government will “remove the brokers’ fee because we are always paying [1,500 New Taiwan dollars, or $47, monthly]” even though brokers are “sometimes useless” and fail to help when there is a problem with an employer. The 48-year-old says she could save more money if the payment was stopped since she has already paid off the other fees to her agency.

Suril has had only one job since arriving in Taiwan and says she expects to stay for about 12 years – enough time for her children to earn their university degrees.

That will be “my big achievement, if it will happen”, she said.

Miean Coilan, 58

Miean Coilan says one month’s salary in Taiwan is equivalent to four-months pay back home in the Philippines [Randy Mulyanto/Al Jazeera]

Miean Coilan started work in Taiwan the same year as Suril. Like her, she is from Baguio.

Coilan has been looking after a grandmother, now in her 90s, and doing household chores throughout her time on the island.

She says one month’s salary in Taiwan is equivalent to “four months” pay back home.

The 58-year-old said she would like to see the end of the limits on the length of time migrant workers are allowed to stay on the island. Like other migrant workers, those working in care can stay for a maximum of 12 years, but if they meet certain requirements on training and performance, they can remain for an additional two years.

“If I [have the chance to] talk to the president, I will say ‘no end contract’,” she told Al Jazeera. “Even [if] we are [over] 50 years old, 60 years old, we still can work in Taiwan because we like Taiwan. We love Taiwan.”

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Photos: May Day rallies across Asia demand improved labour rights | Workers’ Rights News

Workers and activists have taken to the streets across Asia as the world marks May Day.

Rallies took place in South Korea, Japan, Taiwan and the Philippines, among other countries, on Wednesday. The marchers protested rising prices and demanded greater labour rights.

Workers’ rights are celebrated on May Day across the globe, with events used to air general economic grievances and political demands.

In the South Korean capital Seoul, thousands of protesters sang, waved flags and shouted pro-labour slogans before marching through the centre. Organisers said the rally was primarily meant to step up criticism of what they call anti-labour policies pursued by the conservative government led by President Yoon Suk Yeol.

“In the past two years under the Yoon Suk Yeol government, the lives of our labourers have plunged into despair,” Yang Kyung-soo, leader of the Korean Confederation of Trade Unions said in a speech. “We can’t overlook the Yoon Suk Yeol government. We’ll bring them down from power for ourselves.”

Similar rallies were held in several other cities across South Korea. Police mobilised thousands of officers to maintain order, but there were no immediate reports of violence.

In Japan, more than 10,000 people gathered in downtown Tokyo to demand salary increases sufficient to offset price increases. Masako Obata, leader of the National Confederation of Trade Unions, said that dwindling wages have put many workers in Japan under severe living conditions and widened income disparities.

“On this May Day, we unite with our fellow workers around the world standing up for their rights,” she said, shouting “banzai!” or long life, to all workers.

In Taiwan, more than 1,000 representatives from more than 100 workers’ unions took to the streets in downtown Taipei demanding worker rights laws be amended.

Waving banners and shouting slogans, demonstrators marched for hours in the capital calling for the law to be revised to include higher wages, better working conditions and pension packages.

“Prices have been soaring, but wages have not,” Said Chiang Chien-hsing, head of the Taiwan Confederation of Trade Unions.

In the Philippine capital Manila, hundreds of workers and activists marched in the scorching summer heat to demand wage increases and job security amid soaring food and oil prices.

Riot police stopped the protesting workers from getting close to the presidential palace. Waving red flags and holding up posters that read: “We work to live, not to die” and “Lower prices, increase salaries,” the protesters chanted and listened to speeches about the difficulties faced by Filipino labourers.

Drivers of jeepneys, the city’s main mode of public transport, joined the rally as they ended a three-day strike. The operators of the highly decorated vehicles fear that a government modernisation programme could see their often ramshackle vehicles removed from the capital’s streets.

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‘Children of the Ganges’ – The mallah community of India’s Varanasi | Workers’ Rights

Varanasi, India –Hum paani ke jeev hain. We are creatures of water,” says 29-year-old Vishwakarma Sahni.

Sahni belongs to Varanasi’s community of approximately 8,000 mallah, the boatmen whose lives are deeply intertwined with the Ganges – a river considered sacred in India and which they hold in profound reverence.

To them, the Ganges is not merely a river; it is their lifeline.

A boatman offers prayers before setting out on his boat [Uday Narayanan/Al Jazeera]

On its journey eastward from the Himalayas, the Ganges traverses more than 2,500 km (1,550 miles) before flowing into the Bay of Bengal in the northeastern Indian Ocean. Along its route, it passes through several regions, including the ancient city of Varanasi, also known as Kashi or Banaras in Hindi. “Banaras” is derived from the word “Banarasi” in the Pali language.

A cruise ship sails past at sunrise. In 2018, the government of India introduced three private cruise ships to operate along the ghats of Varanasi. The boatmen argue that the cruise liners adversely impact their livelihood [Uday Narayanan/Al Jazeera]

Varanasi has long fascinated historians, anthropologists, artists and storytellers and is often celebrated as one of the world’s oldest inhabited cities. It also happens to be the constituency of India’s Prime Minister, Narendra Modi, who rode to power in 2014 with a promise to transform Varanasi into a Kyoto-style smart city, and who is facing elections again from later this month.However, the lives of Varanasi’s boatmen have remained largely overlooked, they say.

In 2018, despite widespread protests from the community, the Government of India granted permits to three private cruise ships to operate along the ghats of Varanasi – the small staircases which descend to quays and cremation facilities along the river.

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‘Pure veg fleet’: How Indian food app Zomato sparked a caste, purity debate | Workers’ Rights News

Rajesh Jatavad*, a delivery rider for Zomato, a food delivery app in southern India, is worried about his full name being displayed for customers on the platform – because his last name reveals that he belongs to a marginalised caste.

More privileged communities among India’s caste system historically considered castes like Jatavad’s “untouchables”.

Jatavad’s worry is based on lived experience. “It is easy for others to identify my caste from my surname. Some of the customers, after reading my surname from the app, they won’t allow me near them, or even [allow me to] hand over the food packet. They will tell me to place it down and then leave,” Rajesh told Al Jazeera.

Then, in mid-March, his employer announced a decision that threatens to make Jatavad’s already perilous daily struggle against caste biases even tougher.

On March 19, Deepinder Goyal, CEO of Zomato, declared on social media platform X that the company was launching a “Pure Veg Mode along with a Pure Veg Fleet on Zomato, for customers who have a 100% vegetarian dietary preference.”

“India has the largest percentage of vegetarians in the world, and one of the most important feedback we’ve gotten from them is that they are very particular about how their food is cooked, and how their food is handled,” he wrote.

The Pure Veg Mode allows customers to pick from curated list of restaurants that serve only vegetarian food and excludes eateries that serve any meat or fish. The Pure Veg Fleet, Goyal announced, would consist of riders who will only carry food from Pure Veg Mode restaurants.

And in the future, Goyal wrote, the company plans to introduce other specialised fleets – a comment that left Jatavad anxious and that betrays, said sociologists, an ignorance of a complex reality that undergirds India’s enormous app-based food delivery industry, valued at $7.4bn in 2023.

More than half – 54.5 percent – of delivery workers belong to scheduled castes and scheduled tribes, according to a March 11 study by the University of Pennsylvania.

These communities are designated “scheduled” by the government because they have suffered centuries of discrimination and socioeconomic disadvantages. In India’s caste-stratified society, they are also often associated with being “impure” by privileged castes.

Zomato’s latest policies could end up reinforcing those stereotypes and deepening the discrimination workers like Jatavad face, said sociologists and workers’ rights advocates. There are 700,000 to one million food delivery workers on platforms like Zomato in India.

Delivery riders – many working for Zomato – wait in line to collect their orders outside a mall in Mumbai, India, on August 10, 2023 [Francis Mascarenhas/Reuters]

‘If that happens, I’m in trouble’

Jatavad learned about the specialised fleets from a screenshot shared by his colleagues. Instantly, his mind went racing.

“’What is the company aiming for?” he said. “Will they create fleets based on religion and caste next? If that happens, I’m in trouble.”

In his posts on X, Goyal explained his rationale for the separate fleets. “Because despite everyone’s best efforts, sometimes the food spills into the delivery boxes. In those cases, the smell of the previous order travels to the next order and may lead to the next order smelling of the previous order,” Goyal reasoned. “For this reason, we had to separate the fleet for veg orders.”

Following pushback over the risks colour-coded uniforms could pose to riders, if neighbourhoods that view meat as impure decide to attack or abuse delivery workers, Goyal backtracked partly.

“All our riders – both our regular fleet, and our fleet for vegetarians, will wear the colour red,” he wrote in a follow-up post. “This will ensure that our red uniform delivery partners are not incorrectly associated with non-veg food and blocked by any during any special days … our riders’ physical safety is of paramount importance to us,” his post read.

But while riders carrying vegetarian and non-vegetarian food will not be distinguishable by their uniform, they will still belong to different fleets – and customers will be able to pick the “Pure Veg” fleet on the Zomato app.

Workers are worried.

“Today, they will say veg and non-veg; tomorrow, they will bring in religion and caste,” Shaik Salauddin, national general secretary and co-founder of the Indian Federation of App-based Transport Workers (IFAT), a trade union federation of ride-sharing and other gig transport workers, told Al Jazeera. “They will say, upper-caste customers have demanded upper-caste delivery boys. This will create a further division among workers.”

Shaikh questioned why Zomato was wading into sensitive food and culture-related issues in a country as diverse as India. “This company is dividing people,” he said. “If they’re here to do business, let them do business.”

‘Purity and pollution’

Asked by Al Jazeera about the concerns of delivery workers, Zomato said that customers would not be able to choose delivery partners based on the rider’s own dietary preference.

It added that the “delivery partners onboarded on Zomato are not and will never be discriminated against on the basis of any criteria (including dietary/ political/religion preferences).”

But that’s easier said than done, according to Mini Mohan, a sociologist based in the southern Indian state of Kerala, who argued that by segregating vegetarian and non-vegetarian options, Zomato was exploiting religious and caste-based divisions.

“The caste system in India links food with purity and pollution,” she said. “Vegetarian food is considered ‘pure’, while meat and occupations associated with lower castes are seen as ‘impure’. This shapes dietary practices, with higher castes even avoiding food handled by lower castes.”

Zomato considered special green uniforms for its ‘Pure Veg Fleet’ delivery riders rather than the red uniform pictured here, but has backed away from that plan, Kolkata, India, July 13, 2021 [Rupak De Chowduri/Reuters]

Zomato’s approach “not only discriminates against certain groups but also risks widening social rifts. When food choices dictate treatment, it creates conflicts and undermines social harmony,” she added.

And the intersection of deep-seated biases and food delivery isn’t new for India – or for Zomato.

In 2019, Zomato faced controversy when a customer cancelled an order due to the delivery person’s religion. Zomato’s response, highlighting that food has no religion, was widely praised on social media. Five years later, the company now find itself on the other side of the fence.

‘Rise in Brahmin restaurants’

The concept of pure and impure food in Hinduism dates back to the Dharmasutras, Vedic texts written by different authors between BCE 700 and BCE 100, TS Syam Kumar, a Sanskrit scholar and teacher and debater told Al Jazeera.

“Dharmasutras are ancient Indian texts that functioned as guides for dharma – a concept encompassing duty, righteousness and ethical conduct. They are considered the earliest source of Hindu law,” he said.

Quoting chapters from Dharmasutras, the scholar said that the scriptures declared that food that has been touched by an impure person becomes impure, but is not rendered unfit to be eaten. On the other hand, food brought by a Shudra – the lowest rung of the traditional caste hierarchy – is unfit to be eaten.

The caste system often associates traditionally disadvantaged castes with meat consumption and considers them “polluted”, justifying their social exclusion. That’s true even in Kerala, a state often seen as a progressive bastion in India.

Kerala, too, he said, “is witnessing a rise in Brahmin restaurants”.

“People prioritise to buy certain brands of ingredients with upper-caste names,” Kumar said.

Meanwhile, Shashi Bellamkonda, a marketing professor and former hotelier said Zomato’s controversial approach is the outcome of a failure of communication and of not understanding the customer.

“Instead of introducing a separate ‘Pure Veg Mode’ and ‘Pure Veg Fleet’, the company could have focused on improving its existing processes to ensure that vegetarian orders are handled with the same care and attention as non-vegetarian orders,” he said. “And communicated that to customers.”

*Name changed to preserve anonymity

 



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Strikes cripple air and rail travel across Germany | transport News

Airport workers and train drivers take action to demand more pay to offset soaring inflation in the country.

Massive industrial action has paralysed air and rail travel across Germany as striking workers walked off the job to demand better pay to cope with the rising cost of living.

Thursday’s walkouts by the train drivers coincided with a strike by ground staff at national airline Lufthansa that led to mass flight cancellations at Germany’s busiest airports, including main hub Frankfurt.

The rail strike is due to last until Friday, Germany’s train union head Claus Weselsky said. “With this, we begin a so-called strike wave,” he told reporters.

Reporting from an empty Berlin Central Station, Al Jazeera’s Dominic Kane said there were no subregional trains moving at all, with only a few cross-country ones still active.

“It’s a similar picture right around the country,” Kane said.

Overall, about 80 percent of all long-distance trains, as well as regional and commuter trains in the country, were cancelled, leading to traffic jams in the streets and employees struggling to arrive on time for work.

The simultaneous action is the latest in a recent series of strikes hitting Germany’s travel sector in the past year, a result of high inflation and worker shortages.

It comes as the economic institute DIW Berlin warned that the German economy was not picking up as quickly as expected, forecasting a recession at the start of the year.

Gross domestic product (GDP) is expected to contract by 0.1 percent in the first quarter, according to DIW, after the economy shrank by 0.3 percent in the final three months of 2023. A technical recession is commonly defined as back-to-back quarters of contracting GDP.

The German train drivers’ union (GDL) demands that national train operator Deutsche Bahn reduce workers’ weekly hours from 38 to 35 hours at full pay to help offset lofty inflation and staff shortages.

The action comes after weeks-long talks between the two parties broke down last week. An earlier strike in late January, one of the longest in the state-owned company’s 30-year history, ended prematurely as an economic slowdown led to pressure on GDL to return to the negotiating table.

Meanwhile, Lufthansa is also locked in disputes with worker’s union Verdi over pay. The union is demanding a 12.5 percent increase in pay over a year for the airline’s staff, as well as a one-off 3,000 euros ($3,268) bonus.

Frankfurt airport, Germany’s busiest, was forced to cancel scheduled departures due to the strike, which will last until Saturday morning.

“Fraport is asking all passengers starting their journey in Frankfurt not to come to the airport on March 7 and to contact their airline,” the airport’s operator said in a statement on Wednesday.

The ADV airport association warned that strikes in the aviation sector, which also took place in Hamburg and Duesseldorf, were damaging Germany’s reputation as a centre for business and tourism.

Passengers wait at Dusseldorf Airport amid the strike [Jana Rodenbusch/Reuters]

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‘Overtly racist’: Lawsuit challenges Canada’s migrant farmworker system | Workers’ Rights News

Montreal, Canada – “It would be contrary to the whole Canadian belief in freedom of the individual.”

The year was 1952, and Canada’s then-minister of immigration, Walter Harris, was rebuffing the idea of tying immigrant farmworkers from Europe to their Canadian employers.

“It would, of course, be possible to take steps which would ensure that the man who says he is coming to Canada as a farm worker remains a farm worker. We could even hold the possibility of deportation over his head,” Harris said.

“However, it is my opinion that the Canadian people would be entirely opposed to any such practice.”

Fifteen years later, however, government officials were singing a different tune. Continuing to face labour shortages in the agricultural sector, Canada began bringing in Black and Indo-Caribbean seasonal farmworkers.

But unlike their European counterparts, these Black and brown field-hands were to be inextricably tied to their specific employers, a rule that remains at the heart of Canada’s migrant agricultural worker programmes today.

Experts and rights advocates say the setup undermines the workers’ ability to organise or demand better wages and conditions; prevents them from leaving abusive workplaces; makes them vulnerable to exploitation; requires them to pay into an unemployment insurance scheme that they cannot access; and opens them up to reprisals, including deportation, if they speak out.

Now, a proposed class-action lawsuit (PDF) has shone a spotlight on the “racist and discriminatory” origins of so-called tied employment in these schemes. The suit alleges that Canada’s migrant worker programmes violate the country’s constitution, formally known as the Canadian Charter of Rights and Freedoms.

“The reason why these strict conditions were imposed [was] overtly racist,” said Louis Century, a lawyer involved in the suit, which is seeking 500 million Canadian dollars ($371m) in damages.

“The government has to account for and reckon with the fact that the policy that it continues to impose more than 50 years later was implemented for racist reasons,” he told Al Jazeera. “It’s caused harm to generations of racialised workers, and it has to end.”

The system

Canada launched the Seasonal Agricultural Worker Program, or SAWP, in 1966 as part of a bilateral agreement with Jamaica. More than 260 Jamaican workers travelled to Canada in that first year to fill gaps in the agricultural sector.

Hyacinth Simpson, an associate English professor at Toronto Metropolitan University, explained that prior to that, non-white immigration to Canada was “highly controlled”.

This was because “Black and Asian peoples particularly were considered undesirable, unassimilable, and unlikely to bring any benefits to the country – economic or otherwise,” Simpson, a postcolonial scholar, told Al Jazeera in an email.

“For the most part, when ‘undesirables’ were admitted in relatively large numbers, it was via federally sponsored labour programs in which the migrants were employed temporarily or seasonally so that Canada benefited from their labour without having to assume the same kind of responsibility for them as for citizens.”

Since its creation in the 1960s, the worker programme has been expanded to include Mexico and 10 other countries in the Caribbean. In 2022, more than 70,000 temporary foreign workers laboured in Canada’s agricultural and agri-food sectors through SAWP and other agricultural programmes.

The workers pick fruits and vegetables on Canadian farms, work at meat-processing plants, and serve as the backbone of an industry now worth hundreds of billions of dollars. Under SAWP, foreign workers can work in Canada for up to eight months in a single year, and it is not uncommon to find migrants who have been shuffling back and forth between their home country and Canada for decades.

Within this system, tied employment practices are a “tried and true way” of maintaining a power imbalance between employer and employees, Simpson added. This includes tying farmworkers to specific farms or employers, preventing them from changing jobs, and even busing workers between their residences and grocery stores.

“The cumulative effect is to marginalize and isolate the farmworkers in Canadian spaces and keep them separate from all things Canadian,” she said.

A worker loads trays of onions at a farm in Manitoba, Canada, April 28, 2022 [Shannon VanRaes/Reuters]

‘Treated like mules’

Indeed, for nearly as long as these schemes have existed, workers have reported mistreatment.

Foreign workers have been forced to live in crowded, substandard housing and work long hours in unsafe conditions for low wages. Many say they fear being deported or barred from coming back to Canada for the next season if they raise concerns with their employers.

Chris Ramsaroop, an activist with the group Justicia for Migrant Workers (J4MW), described Canada’s system as one that “treats Black and Brown workers from the Global South different than Canadian workers”.

By way of example, he noted that employers can terminate migrant agricultural workers’ contracts early if a frost, or another extreme weather event, hits Canadian crops and they are no longer needed.

“Rather than trying to compensate the workers like somebody else in Canada who faces similar conditions, we simply send workers home,” Ramsaroop told Al Jazeera.

“The way that the system is set up works against the interest of migrant agricultural workers,” he added. “This is designed.”

In 2022, a group of Jamaican farmworkers publicly denounced their mistreatment on farms in Ontario, saying they were “treated like mules” and faced threats and abuse, both physical and verbal. The conditions, they said, were akin to “systematic slavery”.

That was echoed about a year later by a United Nations expert, who described Canada’s system as “a breeding ground for contemporary forms of slavery”.

The UN special rapporteur, Tomoya Obokata, said last September that “employer-specific work permit regimes” were especially dangerous, making “migrant workers vulnerable to contemporary forms of slavery, as they cannot report abuses without fear of deportation”.

Employment insurance

Kevin Palmer understands that fear. In 2014, he left his native Jamaica on a SAWP contract and arrived at a greenhouse in the small town of Leamington, Ontario – the self-proclaimed “greenhouse capital of Canada”.

“We lived on the greenhouse,” the 42-year-old told Al Jazeera in a phone interview in late January. “We were sleeping on a bunk bed, with two guys – one upstairs, one downstairs. It was like 12 of us, so six [bunk] beds were in the room.”

The tasks were gruelling – long hours spent tending to crops and harvesting vegetables – and Palmer said he often was working against the clock to meet his daily quotas. But the father of two said he never lost sight of his goal: making money to help his family “live a better life for the future”.

Yet after six agricultural seasons in Canada, his contract was abruptly terminated in 2019, and he was sent home to Jamaica. Palmer was left with little recourse and no explanation as to why he was sacked, he said, and he has not been able to work in Canada since.

He also never got access to Employment Insurance (EI) when he was forced to leave Canada, despite paying into the programme. “They [drew] a lot of money from us,” said Palmer, who is one of two named plaintiffs in the class-action lawsuit.

The claim alleges that tied employment excludes migrant agricultural workers from accessing EI benefits in Canada – another violation of the Charter. This is because, to access EI, workers need to be in the country and open to other work, among other requirements.

They “are required to pay EI premiums, and by virtue of the mandatory tied employment provision, are necessarily precluded from ever receiving regular benefits”, the lawsuit states.

Migrant workers employed under SAWP and the Temporary Foreign Workers Program’s agricultural stream paid more than 470 million Canadian dollars ($350m) in EI premiums since 2008, according to the claim.

“I don’t know if we were entitled to get back [that] money,” Palmer said.

Dairy cows are seen on a farm in Quebec, Canada, on August 30, 2018 [File: Christinne Muschi/Reuters]

‘Countless injustices’

Employment and Social Development Canada, the country’s federal labour ministry, told Al Jazeera that it could not comment on matters before the courts.

But the department said in an emailed statement that Canada “takes its responsibilities with respect to the protection of temporary foreign workers very seriously”.

It noted that the government introduced an open work permit in 2019 to allow “vulnerable workers” to leave abusive situations. Canada also maintains a confidential tip line to allow temporary foreign workers to report abuse and is working to “improve the quality of employer inspections”.

“Employer-specific work permits”, the department said, are an “important feature” of Canada’s temporary foreign worker programmes because they allow Ottawa to know “which employers are employing temporary foreign workers at any given time and at what locations they are working”.

But according to Century, the class-action lawyer, this employment model remains the source of “countless injustices”.

“It makes them more vulnerable. It deprives them of the freedom to leave a difficult situation and seek work elsewhere, and … it has the effect of depriving them of significant EI benefits that ordinary workers would otherwise have access to,” Century said.

Century said the lawsuit is still in the early stages. A certification hearing is expected in the coming year to determine whether it can move forward. If it does, every current or former migrant farmworker who worked in Canada over the last 15 years would be considered part of the class.

“[This is] only the first step of reckoning with the racist legacy of this country,” Century added.

“Ending tied employment today doesn’t cure the harm it has caused to generations of workers over the past 50-plus years. But at a bare minimum, it stops perpetuating that harm.”

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In legal no-man’s land, refugees in Malaysia struggle to eat, pay rent | Refugees News

Kuala Lumpur, Malaysia – It is late afternoon in Kuala Lumpur and in the harsh heat, Zabi* concludes his third visit to the doctor in a month, still unsure of what is causing his excruciating stomach aches despite all his reports being normal so far.

He worries about paying for the doctor as, being a refugee, he does not have much money or any medical benefits.

When Zabi came from Afghanistan to Malaysia as a teenager five years ago, he had no choice but to fend for himself. His family had only enough money for one of them to flee.

“I know it’s illegal for a refugee to work in Malaysia. But I have no choice as an orphan, as I have no trace of my family at the moment. I work around 18 hours a day and I hardly get paid four ringgit ($0.88) an hour,” the 18-year-old told Al Jazeera.

Zabi is working as a housekeeper in a Malaysian-owned hotel in Kuala Lumpur but because he is a refugee and not officially allowed to work, he has no written contract.

He has had a series of other jobs – as a security guard, in restaurants and in customer service – and lives a precarious existence, struggling to make enough money to pay his 500 Malaysian ringgit ($106) monthly rent.

“After extremely exhausting long working days, Maggi instant noodles are something I eat most days,” he said.

Malaysia has no formal framework for refugees, which means they are left in a legal no-man’s land where they are vulnerable to exploitation by those who do employ them. Under Malaysian law, refugees are also no different to undocumented migrants who are often targeted in official crackdowns.

Malaysia has cracked down on undocumented migrants in recent years [File: Hasnoor Hussain/Reuters]

Asked about refugees at the United Nations last month, the Malaysian representative defended the government’s approach and indicated that there was no room for change.

“Who is the deserving refugee? Who is a deserving asylum seeker? Who is an economic migrant? Who is to determine them as such?” Foreign Affairs Ministry Deputy Secretary General (multilateral affairs) Bala Chandran Tharman told the Universal Periodic Review (UPR) in Geneva, according to the Malay Mail.

While Malaysia is a member of the UN, it has never signed the 1951 Refugee Convention and there are no laws (PDF) in place to recognise and provide for those fleeing persecution and conflict.

Refugees also have no right to work, attend school or access medical care.

Registration with the local office of the UN High Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR) provides some measure of protection and support, including limited access to healthcare, education and other services provided by the UN and its partners.

“This is only an identity document and has no formal legal value in Malaysia,” the UNHCR website notes of the card given to all those registered with it.

In 2022, the Malaysian government said all asylum seekers and refugees would need to register under the government’s Tracking Refugees Information System (TRIS), which was launched in 2017.

The TRIS website talks about safety and the risk of social problems linked to the influx of refugees but suggests registration may allow cardholders to work in some, mostly unskilled, areas.

“The lack of legal protection forces refugees to work illegally, and most of the jobs that they find are 3D jobs, the ‘difficult, dangerous, and dirty’ kind of work that Malaysians try to avoid,” said Jana Stanfield, the co-founder of Together We Can Change the World and founder of the Refugee Film School in Kuala Lumpur.

More than 100 Rohingya refugees escaped from an immigration detention centre in Bidor this month. The UNHCR has not been able to visit the centres since 2019 [Hasnoor Hussain/Reuters]

Without legal protection and proper contracts, many do not receive Malaysia’s national minimum pay (introduced in May 2022) of 1,500 Malaysian ringgit ($329) per month or 7.21 Malaysian ringgit ($1.64) an hour.

Zabi, who spent five months learning English after arriving in Malaysia in 2018, says the boss at the security firm where he once worked had agreed to pay him about 1,000 Malaysian ringgit ($219) a month but never did.

Even now, he is forced to do overtime, which is unpaid, and work in other roles to meet his employer’s needs. He told Al Jazeera he has to agree to these conditions, having no alternative.

‘Win-win’

More than 70 percent of the 185,000 refugees in Malaysia registered with the refugee agency are of working age. According to information gathered from refugee communities, most make a living in restaurants, retail and other service jobs as well as agriculture and construction.

“It is a ‘win-win’ for Malaysia, as it would take into consideration both the humanitarian needs of refugees, whilst also benefiting the Malaysian economy as it recovers from the social and economic impact of the pandemic,” UNHCR spokeswoman Yante Ismail said in a statement to Al Jazeera about allowing the community to work legally.

Malaysia has allowed certain groups of refugees to join the workforce in the past.

In 2015, some Syrians were allowed to work and send their children to school under a scheme based on an initiative in the early 1990s for Bosnians fleeing the Balkan wars.

“Malaysia can allow refugees to exercise their right to work under an existing legal framework … and then this can be expanded to include education and healthcare,” said Mahi Ramakrishnan, an investigative filmmaker and activist based in Malaysia. “The question is whether the government has the political will to do so.”

Malaysia has millions of foreign workers who usually travel to the country on government-sponsored schemes to fill low-skilled jobs [Mohd Rasfan/AFP]

In 2017, a pilot project allowed about 300 Rohingya refugees with UNHCR cards to work legally in the plantation and manufacturing sector, but was not adopted.

In October, the Human Resources Ministry said refugees might be allowed to work officially in the so-called “3D jobs” amid shortages of workers who are usually brought in through government-backed arrangements from countries such as Bangladesh and Indonesia. Those schemes are currently under review as Malaysian seeks to regularise its policies on foreign workers.

Ultimately, refugee advocacy groups say the government needs to take the lead on any policy change.

“To grant refugees the right to work is to ensure that they are able to have access to livelihood that is safe, decent and dignified,” Hui Ying Tham, the executive director at Asylum Access, told Al Jazeera. He stressed that the implementation of this “requires a multifaceted approach with the government leading, in consultation with refugee communities, the changes in laws, policies and attitudes to create a framework that recognises and supports the rights and potential of refugees.”

Tham added that work should also recognise the skills and experience of the individual refugees as it does with any other member of the workforce.

Abolfazly*, an Afghan refugee school teacher whose village was burned down by the Taliban, agreed.

“We had a life before taking refuge in another land,” he said. “We’re educated, we’re resourceful. Host countries like Malaysia can use us – not only in agriculture but in their socioeconomic development,” said the 28-year-old, who is working on finishing his PhD in law.

The UNHCR remains hopeful that there will eventually be a resolution, although the latest comments at the UPR suggest that might not happen soon.

For refugees like Zabi, that means continued struggle.

“I want to go to university. I love learning new languages,” he told Al Jazeera. “Right now, my life is all about eating, sleeping and working. I have no plans for the future because I know none of the plans will work. But I’ll still keep trying – like I always do.”

*Pseudonyms have been used to protect the refugees’ identity

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As retailer REI’s troubles with employees continue, consumers back off | Labour Rights News

Claire Chang, a visual merchandiser at sports goods retailer REI’s flagship location in New York City, was drawn to the company because of her then-blossoming love of the outdoors.

After working in an office setting, she said she looked for something a little less stressful. That’s what brought her to REI where she has now worked for six years.

The company, considered to be a progressive beacon in corporate America known for its support of sustainability and Indigenous rights, among other issues, aligned with her interests and values. However, starting in October 2020, Chang says that began to change for her.

At the time, Chang and her colleagues pushed the company for increased health and safety protection amid the COVID-19 pandemic. Because of this, she was part of the first store to vote to unionise.

She felt that the Washington state-based cooperative retailer, formally known as Recreational Equipment Inc, has dragged its feet on union negotiations since then. Chang says they are still fighting for their first union contract, and negotiations started in June 2022.

That began a long and drawn-out battle between her colleagues and the company – a fight that is anything but over, and in early November, the Retail, Wholesale and Department Store Union (RWDSU) filed a complaint on behalf of the workers with the National Labor Relations Board.

The complaint alleges the sporting goods cooperative took actions that RWDSU referred to as “emotional manipulation and retaliatory actions against workers, such as firings, changes to work schedules and disciplinary practices”.

Banking on REI’s reputation as a progressive company, Chang says she hoped they would operate in good faith on union negotiations, but that hasn’t been her experience.

“In reality, they [REI] have been fighting us every step of the way from the beginning,” Chang told Al Jazeera.

Chang says she saw surveillance tactics used in her store and alleges that the company brought in senior executives to talk to them.

Last month there were worker walkouts at locations in Minnesota, Massachusetts and Illinois.

That was in response to what the RWDSU said was the “retailer’s decision to unilaterally restructure jobs and working conditions in all of its stores”.

In mid-October, the company eliminated 275 jobs.

Meanwhile, REI changed law firms amid the negotiations, which she says essentially started the process all over again, while the 85-year-old company reported a record $3.85bn in sales in 2022.

In an investor release, the company said that “in 2022, REI put an additional $50 million toward pay raises for hourly employees and delivered another $92 million toward employee retirement and bonuses”.

However, Chang says that was not her experience. She alleges that the company withheld those raises from her location amid union negotiations. REI did not respond to Al Jazeera’s request to confirm the validity of these claims.

Claire Chang, an REI employee, says the retailer has dragged its feet on a union contract [Photo courtesy of Retail, Wholesale and Department Store Union]

‘Impact brand loyalty’

From a sales perspective, this year could be much different for the retailer – especially during this quarter, the holiday shopping season.

Thanks to a combination of more public pressure from the company’s already hyper-aware and socially conscious customer base, experts believe this could have an impact on holiday shopping.

“REI has a strong brand image associated with outdoor enthusiasts and a commitment to sustainability. If consumers perceive that the company is not living up to its values in terms of fair treatment of workers, it could erode trust and impact brand loyalty. This might prompt some consumers to reconsider shopping at REI during the holiday season,” said Linda Simpson, professor of financial literacy at Eastern Illinois University.

Chris Brinlee Jr is one of those consumers. Brinlee, who works in the outdoor industry, called out the sporting goods retailer on social media. On the company’s “cyberweek sale” Instagram  post, he wrote, “I’d rather not spend any money at REI, ever, than to support a company that’s actively union busting.”

Brinlee Jr has more than 36,000 followers.

“One of the few ways as a consumer we can organise is choosing how and where we spend our money,” Brinlee told Al Jazeera.

“They are clearly acting against the interest of their employees,” he added.

“By going against the union, REI could be seen by its core consumer segments as going against its basic brand identity. Consumers are known to punish brands for transgressions,” Aparna Labroo, Professor of Marketing at Northwestern University’s Kellogg School of Business, told Al Jazeera.

That is exactly how Brinlee Jr feels. He shopped there easily once a month until he learned about the union-busting allegations at REI, and then he stopped. He says he’d consider returning when the company starts operating in good faith with its workers.

“The impact on consumer sentiment and shopping habits during the holiday season will depend on how the public perceives the union fight, how REI responds to the situation, and the values consumers prioritise when making purchasing decisions,” Simpson said.

Brinlee Jr’s position is far from isolated. Alex Bartolo, a wildlife biologist based in Long Beach, California, is among the other consumers that Al Jazeera spoke to who all say they are limiting or outright boycotting the store. Bartolo also has an REI credit card which he says he intends to cancel.

“I think if REI supported what their employees wanted, operated in good faith negotiations and stopped union busting, I would reconsider my opinion,” Bartolo told Al Jazeera.

REI did not respond to a request for comment.

Slowing economy

Workers across sectors took to picket lines to demand better work conditions [File: Frederic J Brown/AFP]

The confrontations at REI come at a time of an increase in the popularity of unions among ordinary Americans.

According to a Gallup poll in late August, 67 percent of Americans approved of unions. That’s the highest since the 1960s. Workers across sectors – ranging from Starbucks baristas to nurses at Kaiser Permanente healthcare facilities – took to the picket line this year to demand better working conditions.

Chang says she fully expects walkouts throughout the holiday season.

This comes amid a tough moment for retailers broadly because of high-interest rates and a slowing economy, which may push consumers to spend less.

According to a survey from PYMNTS, 77 percent of Americans plan to spend less this holiday season than in years past because of heightened interest rates. Moody’s, too, forecasts modest growth for the retail sector at a 1-3 percent bump – compared with 5.1 percent last year and 14 percent the year prior.

That’s a result of a downturn in spending, and an increase in the number of Americans living paycheck to paycheck. According to PYMNTS, that is 60 percent of Americans.

Labroo argues that sentiment helps the REI union’s momentum.

“People are struggling for liquidity – and when they’re struggling, they also become more acutely aware about how others may be struggling,” Labroo said.

For Chang, that translates into more support from the shopping public as she and her colleagues push for a seat at the table.

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