As Singaporeans tire of rat race, incoming PM reimagines ‘Singapore Dream’ | Labour Rights News

Singapore – For three decades, Singaporean corporate lawyer Gerald Yeo* chased the so-called Singapore Dream.

He climbed the ranks to become general counsel, managing a team of lawyers on a six-figure monthly salary.

Sometimes he would rack up 20 hours at work handling calls with clients and colleagues in Asia, Europe and Latin America.

When COVID-19 forced employees to start working from home, Yeo put in even more face-time online – until he suffered burnout and swapped the rat race for retirement in early 2021.

These days, Yeo volunteers with the elderly, dabbles in photography and indulges his love of travel, with jaunts that have taken him to the North Pole and Africa to spot gorillas.

“In Singapore, it’s drilled into our minds to pursue excellence, and you can’t slack off  …We are always ‘on’. You have the mindset that you’re serving the corporation but without knowing, you slip into doing too much,” Yeo, who is in his 50s, told Al Jazeera.

Yeo is among a growing cohort of Singaporeans who are seeking to reimagine the Singapore Dream as being less about achieving material success and more about finding meaning and fulfilment.

Singapore’s prime minister-in-waiting, Lawrence Wong, is among those who argue the time has come for the city-state’s residents to look beyond money and work.

After the launch of a report on residents’ views on the future of the social compact in October, Wong said Singaporeans today “no longer talk so much about the five Cs” – referring to a condominium, car, cash, credit card and country club membership.

“From our engagements, it is also clear the Singapore Dream is more than just material success,” Wong, who is deputy prime minister and finance minister, said at the launch of a festival based on the findings of a 16-month consultation involving more than 200,000 Singaporeans.

“It is also about fulfilment, meaning and purpose in what we do. This is not a top-down government agenda. This is very much a shared consensus, a co-created road map for our next round of nation building.”

Singapore, whose government tightly controls displays of dissent and political activism by the population, is on the cusp of a major political transition.

Current Prime Minister Lee Hsien Loong, 72 — the eldest son of Singapore’s founding leader Lee Kuan Yew — is this month stepping down from the helm of the tiny city-state after two decades in office.

On May 15, Wong will be sworn in as Singapore’s fourth prime minister.

Singapore’s Prime Minister Lee Hsien Loong is stepping down to be replaced by Deputy Prime Minister and Minister for Finance Lawrence Wong [Rodger Bosch and Julien De Rosa/AFP]

Under Lee Kuan Yew’s leadership, Singapore transitioned from poverty to prosperity within a generation of gaining its independence from Malaysia in 1965.

Today, Singapore has a higher gross domestic product (GDP) per capita than the United States and its residents enjoy some of the highest living standards on earth.

While Singapore’s success has been credited to a culture of competition and hard work, the city-state has also gained a notorious reputation as one of the most overworked, stressed-out and strait-laced societies in the world.

But there are signs that priorities are beginning to shift.

In a survey carried out in October by the Institute of Policy Studies, more than half of Singaporeans said they would accept lower pay or a less senior role to benefit their family or personal life.

Wong, who gained plaudits for his handling of the country’s pandemic response, has been seen as Lee’s successor since April 2022, when the long-dominant People’s Action Party (PAP) chose him as head of its team of “4G”, or fourth generation, leaders.

A former technocrat, Wong emerged as a dark horse for the premiership after the PAP’s first choice, Heng Swee Keat, a former central bank chief and education minister, stepped aside in 2021 citing age and health issues.

Wong, a self-professed fan of playing the guitar and listening to rock, blues and soul, has admitted to not harbouring any grand political ambitions and has been portrayed in international media as being more relatable than as is typical of Singapore’s governing elites.

A spokesperson for Wong declined a request for comment, citing his busy schedule.

Donald Low, a professor at Hong Kong University of Science and Technology who studies Singaporean governance, said that Singapore cannot simply prioritise GDP growth or emulate other more advanced societies or economies going forward.

“This is not because Singapore has nothing to learn from other countries. Rather, it’s because Singapore is now at the leading edge of development and it’d have to chart its own future…The country must harness the creativity and ingenuity of its people – to a far greater degree than the PAP government has been used to,” Low told Al Jazeera.

Low said that while he hopes Wong can oversee “small but much-needed changes” in Singapore’s political culture, it is unlikely he will do much to satisfy Singaporeans’ desire for the government to embrace greater diversity and representation – or better tolerate dissent and criticism.

“Because the party leadership is not emotionally convinced that there is much merit in what the critics or dissenters have to say – a consequence of its elitism and high-handedness – I don’t see any significant shifts in the way the PAP conducts politics,” he said.

Singapore
Singapore is known for its workaholic culture [Edgar Su/Reuters]

Chong Ja Ian, a political analyst at the National University of Singapore, said that more Singaporeans are expressing interest in issues beyond monetary and material success – including the environment, meaningful political participation and diversity – which may shape their career plans and how they devote their money, time and energy.

Chong said that while the PAP has been trying to soften its image and engage more with younger people, it is “less clear when and whether such contact and image management have translated into concrete changes in policy”.

Chong pointed out that Wong has largely stressed continuity.

“Whether and how he intends to move in a clearer and bolder direction on these issues – especially how he transforms general principles and ideas into specific and concrete policies – remains to be seen,” he said.

Eugene Tan, a law professor at Singapore Management University, said the Forward SG initiative to rejuvenate the social compact should be seen as an “attempt to strike the balance between material and post-material concerns”.

“Going beyond material concerns to balancing that with post-material aspirations – fairness, social justice, egalitarianism, national identity – is not just about putting in place and financing measures that support the policy shifts identified in the Forward SG report,” Tan told Al Jazeera.

“It is a fundamental mindset shift requiring tangible behavioural changes and committed action that will take years before the outcomes would be evident. The question is will Singaporeans be prepared to wait patiently.”

Tan said that announcements in the 2024 Budget, such as financial incentives for graduates of the Institute of Technical Education, which provides vocational training to post-secondary students, are an important first and necessary step.

Still, Tan acknowledged that shifting the perception that growth is necessary at all costs has been difficult.

“The vulnerability of Singapore means that material concerns are always writ large but Singaporeans do not want that to be all that is to life in Singapore,” he said.

“Forward SG seeks to nudge and mould societal understanding of success and if the PAP under Wong is unable to do that successfully, then its political grip on power will weaken further and faster.”

While Singapore’s economic transformation was a vote-winner for Singaporeans born before and shortly after independence, millennials and members of Gen Z who have only ever known prosperity are in many cases itching for change, as demonstrated by the rising vote share for the opposition Workers’ Party.

Jayee, a student at Nanyang Technological University, said he acknowledged that the PAP has gradually allowed greater space for discourse on issues like LGBTQ rights and income inequality, but wished for more sufficient checks.

“While the PAP has done wonders for the country, it is often done with a heavy-handed approach…There is a real need for more watchmen in parliament to scrutinise the PAP and question their policies and conduct,” he told Al Jazeera.

Toby Ang*, a former civil servant in his 30s, said he is more worried about structural issues in the economy, such as stagnating wage growth, that cast a cloud over the city-state’s future trajectory.

“Real leadership and fresh ideas are lacking,” Ang told Al Jazeera.

Ang said he is unconvinced that Singaporeans who aspire to a more egalitarian society are prepared for the necessary trade-offs.

“The future state of the economy is quite worrisome. I am a bit concerned that we have put ourselves on a slippery slope, that we are moving towards a high-income Scandinavian model. But we are wired very differently in psyche from the Nordics,” he said.

SMU’s Tan said that Singaporeans increasingly expect a government that “talks with – rather than talks to or, worse, talks down to – the average citizen”.

“They want Singapore to remain exceptional but also a place that they can call home even as others make the country their hotel and playground,” he said.

“Ultimately, they want their views to matter and they want to be courted for their votes.”

As for Yeo, the former corporate lawyer, he is determined to make up for the time he lost working himself to the bone.

“I wonder what life would have been like if I’d lived differently in the past, if I’d set more boundaries and prioritised my well-being instead,” he said.

*Names have been changed to protect privacy.

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Photos: May Day rallies across Asia demand improved labour rights | Workers’ Rights News

Workers and activists have taken to the streets across Asia as the world marks May Day.

Rallies took place in South Korea, Japan, Taiwan and the Philippines, among other countries, on Wednesday. The marchers protested rising prices and demanded greater labour rights.

Workers’ rights are celebrated on May Day across the globe, with events used to air general economic grievances and political demands.

In the South Korean capital Seoul, thousands of protesters sang, waved flags and shouted pro-labour slogans before marching through the centre. Organisers said the rally was primarily meant to step up criticism of what they call anti-labour policies pursued by the conservative government led by President Yoon Suk Yeol.

“In the past two years under the Yoon Suk Yeol government, the lives of our labourers have plunged into despair,” Yang Kyung-soo, leader of the Korean Confederation of Trade Unions said in a speech. “We can’t overlook the Yoon Suk Yeol government. We’ll bring them down from power for ourselves.”

Similar rallies were held in several other cities across South Korea. Police mobilised thousands of officers to maintain order, but there were no immediate reports of violence.

In Japan, more than 10,000 people gathered in downtown Tokyo to demand salary increases sufficient to offset price increases. Masako Obata, leader of the National Confederation of Trade Unions, said that dwindling wages have put many workers in Japan under severe living conditions and widened income disparities.

“On this May Day, we unite with our fellow workers around the world standing up for their rights,” she said, shouting “banzai!” or long life, to all workers.

In Taiwan, more than 1,000 representatives from more than 100 workers’ unions took to the streets in downtown Taipei demanding worker rights laws be amended.

Waving banners and shouting slogans, demonstrators marched for hours in the capital calling for the law to be revised to include higher wages, better working conditions and pension packages.

“Prices have been soaring, but wages have not,” Said Chiang Chien-hsing, head of the Taiwan Confederation of Trade Unions.

In the Philippine capital Manila, hundreds of workers and activists marched in the scorching summer heat to demand wage increases and job security amid soaring food and oil prices.

Riot police stopped the protesting workers from getting close to the presidential palace. Waving red flags and holding up posters that read: “We work to live, not to die” and “Lower prices, increase salaries,” the protesters chanted and listened to speeches about the difficulties faced by Filipino labourers.

Drivers of jeepneys, the city’s main mode of public transport, joined the rally as they ended a three-day strike. The operators of the highly decorated vehicles fear that a government modernisation programme could see their often ramshackle vehicles removed from the capital’s streets.

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EU parliament to back ban on forced labour with eye on China | Labour Rights

Legislation is expected to be used to block imports from China’s Xinjiang region.

European Union lawmakers are set to vote to ban products made using forced labour under a new law that has China in its sights, risking tensions with Beijing.

The law to be voted on on Tuesday does not directly mention China, but many lawmakers hope it will be used to block imports from China involving the region where the Uighur Muslim minority lives.

Human rights groups say at least 1 million people, mostly members of Muslim minorities, have been detained in China’s northwestern Xinjiang region and face a series of abuses, including forced sterilisation of women and coerced labour.

With the European Parliament’s green light after a vote in Strasbourg, France, the draft text will officially become law following final approval by the EU’s 27 member states.

The EU has deployed an array of trade tools against China, including anti-subsidy investigations into Chinese state support for green tech such as solar panels.

The latest law seeks to eradicate forced labour from European markets.

Under the rules, EU states can remove products found to have been made using forced labour as well as goods made in the bloc comprising material made abroad using forced labour.

“It is simply unacceptable for our Union, which should be a global champion in promoting values, to continue importing and selling in our shops products that were made with blood and tears at some step along their supply chain,” said EU lawmaker Maria Manuel Leitao Marques, who pushed the text through parliament.

Some 27.6 million people were engaged in forced labour in 2021, including about 3.3 million children, according to the International Labour Organization.

The new rules give the European Commission the power to launch investigations when there are suspicions about the supply chains in countries outside the EU.

If the use of forced labour is proven, officials will seize the products at the borders and order their withdrawal from the European market and online retailers.

If the risk is in one member state, the local authority in that country will investigate the products allegedly made using forced labour.

For some goods deemed to be at risk, importers will be forced to provide detailed information on the manufacturers.

The EU will also create a regularly updated database about forced labour risks that will include international reports to aid the commission and national bodies in assessing possible violations of the law.

Critics have pointed out that the law does not go as far as the one adopted by Washington.

The United States in 2021 banned the importation of products from Xinjiang unless businesses could prove their production did not involve forced labour.

EU lawmaker Leitao Marques urged close cooperation with the bloc’s partners like the US “to prevent operators who are blocked by one country from selling their forced-labour products somewhere else”.

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South Korea’s Yoon accuses doctors of running ‘cartel’ as strike drags on | Labour Rights News

Yoon pledges not to back down on plans to increase medical school admissions.

South Korean President Yoon Suk-yeol has pledged not to back down on plans to increase medical school admissions as he accused striking doctors of operating as a “cartel”.

In an address to the nation on Monday, Yoon said the planned addition of 2,000 medical school places was the minimum needed.

“The number 2,000 is not a random figure we came up with. We have thoroughly reviewed relevant statistics and research and reviewed present and future medical situations,” Yoon said, adding that the government’s reforms aimed to create “a medical environment where all people can receive treatment with a peace of mind”.

Yoon said doctors opposed to the plans should stop “making threats” and present a “unified blueprint with clear scientific reasoning”.

“If a more valid and reasonable plan is brought forward, we can discuss as much as they want,” he said.

Some 12,000 junior doctors in South Korea have been on strike since early February over the proposals, forcing hospitals to cancel treatments and surgeries.

South Korea’s government has argued that the reforms are necessary to alleviate staff shortages and manage the country’s rapid transition to an aged society.

South Korea had 2.6 doctors per 1,000 people in 2022, according to the Organisation for Economic Co-operation and Development (OECD), well below the average among developed nations.

Trainee doctors argue that the medical system is not equipped to handle such a steep increase in new recruits and that medical services will suffer as a result.

Doctors participating in the walkout face the risk of losing their medical licences after the government last month began taking steps to suspend them.

Yoon urged the doctors to return to work before the process to suspend their licences was complete, saying collective action should only be considered “when I do not keep my promises”.

Yoon also expressed regret at the inconvenience caused to the public, saying he was sorry he had been unable to “quickly resolve the inconveniences of the people”.

Public approval of Yoon has declined as the strike has dragged on, with just over 36 percent of South Koreans expressing a positive view of the president in a RealMeter poll released on Monday.

South Korea will hold parliamentary elections next week that will be crucial to Yoon’s chances of avoiding lame-duck status in the remaining three years of his five-year term.

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Will a four-day work week solve Germany’s labour shortage? | Business and Economy

Germany, Europe’s industrial powerhouse, is struggling with a critical labour shortage. By some estimates, two million jobs across the economy are vacant, and half of the country’s companies are unable to find enough workers.

Faced with this crisis, dozens of firms are testing a strategy that, on the surface, at least, might appear counterintuitive: getting workers to work fewer days.

In early February, 31 companies in Germany began a “four-day” work week pilot. The initiative is being led by not-for-profit company, 4 Day Week Global (4DWG), and management consultancy, Intraprenör. Another 14 companies are joining the initiative in March.

The German public research university, University of Münster, will carry out a scientific evaluation of the six-month-long trials, in which up to 600 employees are expected to participate.

The 4DWG, which has been conducting similar trials in many other countries, believes that reducing work days, while keeping pay at the same levels, would result in productivity gains for companies and improved wellbeing of employees, motivating a stretched workforce. The approach could also attract people to the workforce who can’t work five days a week, helping ease the labour crunch.

But how is the German experiment different from a series of efforts in other countries to test a shorter work-week? What have those previous trials shown – are workers more productive when they work fewer hours? Is it possible for the global economy to shift to a four-day work week, and will other countries follow the lead? Al Jazeera spoke to economists, experts and researchers involved in the study to find out.

The short answer: The German test uses more sophisticated techniques to compare more robust data than earlier trials in other countries, say economists, experts and researchers, though it still has shortcomings. Its results could offer the clearest picture yet of the gains and pitfalls of a four-day week. But even the staunchest advocates for the strategy concede that moving all jobs to a shorter work week may not be possible.

Commuters cross a road outside Frankfurt Central Station in Frankfurt, Germany, on Friday, January 19, 2024. Germany’s struggle to revive its sluggish economy is about to take an experimental turn as a host of companies take part in a pilot to work a four-day week [Ben Kilb/Bloomberg via Getty Images]

The long history of the short work week debate

The demand for a work-life balance emerged from the trade union movement in parts of the world in the 19th century that campaigned for eight hours of work, eight hours of recreation and eight hours of rest.

Then, the modern economy saw its first full test of a shorter work week. Timothy T Campbell, a senior lecturer in corporate social responsibility and business ethics at the United Kingdom-based De Montfort University, traced the origins of a reduced work week to the 1940s when drivers of fuel and gasoline delivery trucks in the United States worked four days a week.

In the decades that followed, especially since the 1960s, several four-day week experiments were conducted, Campbell concluded in a research paper.

“But it was in the early 1970s that interest in the 4DWW (four-day work week) exploded, almost exclusively in the US, in both the popular press and academia,” the study found. “It did not last. By the end of the 1970s very little interest remained.”

Back then, the most popular way of trying out a four-day work week, which was tested in diverse sectors of the economy, including manufacturing, was to work 10 hours a day for four days a week.

“While there were reported advantages such as improved morale, job satisfaction, decreased absenteeism and so on, there was also evidence of increased monitoring by employers and intensified work (due to prolonged daily hours), which could lead to more stress rather than less,” Campbell told Al Jazeera.

Today, the mean weekly hours that a person around the globe works for stands at 44 hours, according to the International Labour Organization’s World Employment and Social Outlook report published in January. Different countries have their own laws capping maximum daily work, beyond which workers are entitled to overtime pay.

An earlier ILO report noted that the average hours of work per week was the highest in South Asia (49 hours), followed by Eastern Asia (48.8 hours) and the lowest in North America (36 hours) and Northern, Southern and Western Europe (37.2 hours).

Around the world, one in three people worked what are considered to be long working hours – 48 hours a week – before the COVID-19 pandemic. In some countries like India, a majority of workers clocked long hours. Only one-fifth of employees around the globe worked less than 35 hours a week.

The German Federal Economy and Climate Action Minister, Robert Habeck, presents the 2024 German economy report and projection (Jahreswirtschaftsbericht) to the media on February 21, 2024 in Berlin, Germany. Germany has struggled in recent years with low to negative economic growth complicated by turbulent energy markets and labor shortages, among other factors [Michele Tantussi/Getty Images]

‘A paradox’

The underlying assumption of the reduced working hours trial, said Julia Backmann, professor and chair for a team looking at the transformation of work at the University of Münster, is that with fewer working hours, workers will have more time to recover from work.

This, according to the hypothesis of the experts who have designed the experiment, could help workers focus more when they go back to their jobs. Backmann is on 4DWG’s research team and is involved with the German trials.

Trial advocates said that one of the main goals is addressing the labour shortage in the German economy by attracting workers towards companies with better work-life balance. They said that it would benefit companies, especially in sectors such as healthcare and education, where the pay is comparatively less attractive, or industries such as law or information technology, where the competition for attracting workers is high.

“It’s kind of a paradox. If you ask politicians, when it comes to labour shortage, they would say ‘everyone has to work more hours and not less’,” Carsten Meier, co-founder and partner at Intraprenör, the Berlin-based consultancy involved in the trials, told Al Jazeera in an interview, “A four-day work week is an attractive concept to solve labour shortage as it makes it easier for companies to gain more attraction with the right talent. That’s the main objective of the participating companies.”

German economy minister Robert Habeck recently said that the biggest hurdle in the way of the country’s economic growth would be the labour shortage. He put the estimated figure of job vacancies at two million, even as the estimated skilled workers stage is expected to go up to five million by 2035 in Germany.

Meier said that the four-day work week is expected to have positive effects on both the mental and physical wellbeing of employees, which will reduce sick leave, as it will leave more room for leisure and physical activities. “For instance, men would be more present towards caretaking activities towards their children or elderly people, helping women to get into more types of full-time work, which will also address the labour shortage,” he said.

Germany lost about 26 billion euros ($28.5bn) of economic value in 2023 due to high levels of sick leave – among the highest in developed countries, according to vfa, the country’s research-based association of pharmaceutical companies.

UK-based research group Autonomy and the 4DWG found encouraging results in the “world’s largest” six-month trials that took place in the United Kingdom in 2022, with 2,900 workers participating from 61 companies. The trials saw a 65 per cent reduction in absenteeism, due to illness and personal leave, and reduced levels of stress and burnout, while there was no effect on company revenues. However, the trials also saw employees reporting higher work intensity. One year on, nine out of 10 companies are continuing with a four-day work week, while half of the firms have made the four-day work week permanent.

Employees at LDLC, a French computer hardware retailer, play bowling at the company headquarters in Limonest near Lyon, France, March 10, 2022, as the company trialled a four-day work week. Its productivity soared during the experiment, the company said [FILE: Lucien Libert/Reuters]

Designing a four-day work week

The German trials have been designed flexibly keeping in mind the differing needs of various sectors.

“Our principle is based on a 100-80-100 rule, a productivity-focussed meaningful reduction in work time, which means 100 percent pay for 80 percent time and 100 percent productivity,” Charlotte Lockhart, managing director and founder of 4DWG told Al Jazeera. “Different businesses will have different ways of doing that.”

Yet, the German experiment is more complex than a simple exercise in shrinking working hours.

Most companies participating in the German experiment – while reducing weekly work hours from 40 – have not gone down to 32, a number that would fit a four-day work week, with eight hours a day.

“What’s required is that they reduce their working time significantly at least 10 percent (of their current weekly work time) and that the pay remains the same so there is no pay cut,” said Backmann.

Many companies, Backmann said, felt that reducing work hours further would be “too much” to start with.

Since the participation of companies is voluntary, and the terms of the trials are flexible, some firms are giving employees a day off during the week. However, by doing so, each worker may be working extra hours on their remaining working days to get three days scheduled off from work.

The 4DWG team has been involved in conducting similar studies in other countries to test the “four-day” work week, including New Zealand, the United Kingdom, the United States, Ireland and Australia. Compressed work hour experiments have been previously conducted in Sweden, Finland, Iceland and Portugal, even as labour unions have, in recent years, been demanding reduced work hours.

“This is done by effectively eliminating some of the unproductive activity that occurs in the workplace on a daily basis,” Andrew Barnes, co-founder of 4DWG told Al Jazeera. “It could be meetings, processes, attitudes, interruptions or people spending too much time on the internet, etc. There’s all sorts of things when you give people more time, then they have time to deal with those things outside the work environment.”

Lockhart said that 90 percent of the firms that have participated in their global trials so far have stayed on “some form of reduced work hour week” after the experiments. The studies conducted by 4DWG have shown a “25 per cent” increase in productivity for firms, she said.

However, independent researchers, who have looked into the findings and the methodologies of the trials conducted by 4DWG and other similar pilots conducted in New Zealand and Iceland, have found many flaws, including with sample size, issues with data collection and limited transparency in reporting the trial outcomes.

Thousands of people took part in a rally at Burg Square in Duesseldorf, Germany on June 14, 2023, as ABDA, the Federal Union of German Associations of Pharmacists, protested about staff shortages among other issues [Ying Tang/NurPhoto via Getty Images]

Design flaws

“There are definitely significant empirical limitations in the four-day week pilots carried out by organisations that have a clear intention to show positive results that most journalists are not taking into consideration,” Hugo Cuello, senior policy analyst at Madrid-based Innovation Growth Lab, told Al Jazeera in an email.

Cuello, who wrote a research paper, Assessing the Validity of Four-day Week Pilots last year, found key problems. In such experiments, companies decide to take part in the trial voluntarily and are not chosen on a randomised basis, which makes the study non-representative across the economy.

Cuello noted that the trials also overrelied on self-reported data from employees asking them questions about their wellbeing or productivity before, midway and after the experiment.

The problem of relying too much on self-reporting is that it could lead to a phenomenon known as the Hawthorne effect. This basically means that employees, being aware that they are under observation during the short-term trials, may report positive effects with the hope that it could lead to permanency in work hour reductions.

There are challenges, too, that research into earlier four-day work week trials has thrown up.

As the compressed work week may lead to longer working hours in a day, despite a day off, some researchers have reported fatigue and stress among employees, even as others found evidence of reduced stress.

Cuello’s research also showed how the four-day work trials tried to establish a correlation between reduced working hours and increased productivity or wellbeing of employees over the trial period without considering other factors that could be at play.

As part of the trials, the advocacy groups collected data on key performance indicators from companies and compared it with a period a year earlier. However, they did not necessarily factor in other external factors that might have been at play, affecting productivity before the trial period began, such as weather extremities or the COVID-19 pandemic.

Brett Broviak, a manager of respiratory and sleep services at IU Health North Hospital, shows off his Fitbit fitness tracker for the camera on the hospital’s campus in Carmel, Indiana, on February 29, 2016. For the German four-day week experiments, participants must wear fitness trackers so researchers can monitor health parameters. Hair collected before and after the trial will be tested to check for cortisol and determine how the experiment affected stress levels [File: AP Photo]

Overcoming obstacles

That’s where the German trials could be different.

The experiment is attempting to overcome some of the limitations observed in the previous trials by collecting “more objective data”, looking beyond the self-reported data, Backmann said.

The researchers will collect hair samples of employees to determine the level of cortisol in their body before, during and after the trial period – which will in turn be used to measure stress levels and how and if they change.

About 200 workers will also wear fitness trackers throughout the trial period, which will be used to measure other health parameters such as heart rate, sleeping patterns and activity levels. However, the Hawthorne effect cannot be completely ruled out even in this case as employees who are aware they are being monitored might, for instance, engage in increased physical activity, Backmann admitted. Since the trials also began in winter and would end in summer, seasonal change could also affect the mental health of workers, she said.

However, to control for social desirability effects – in simpler words, to ensure employees do not report being less stressed as part of the trial expectations – the researchers would also collect information from a control group of organisations which will not reduce working hours. Employees in those organisations would also wear fitness trackers and complete short surveys.

The survey will track employee personality traits over the six-month trial period to check whether they reported a significant behaviour change. “This would give us an indication whether the response of employees to the survey are completely truthful as there shouldn’t ideally be a big change in their personality reported over six months,” Backmann said.

Already, some limitations are clear, though.

Lonnie Golden, professor of economics and labour at Penn State University, said that retail, manufacturing and construction sectors, where typically hours of workers are longer, have found it hard to switch to a four-day work week. There was more acceptance in other sectors, Golden, an advisory council member at WorkFour, a non-profit set up in partnership with 4DWG, told Al Jazeera.

For now, the German trial researchers hope to report back objective results later this year. And if the news is grim, they’ll still be upfront about it, said Backmann. “I’m not of the opinion that every organisation should now switch to a four-hour work week,” Backmann said. “If we see critical aspects or negative effects, I’m happy to also share them.”

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In legal no-man’s land, refugees in Malaysia struggle to eat, pay rent | Refugees News

Kuala Lumpur, Malaysia – It is late afternoon in Kuala Lumpur and in the harsh heat, Zabi* concludes his third visit to the doctor in a month, still unsure of what is causing his excruciating stomach aches despite all his reports being normal so far.

He worries about paying for the doctor as, being a refugee, he does not have much money or any medical benefits.

When Zabi came from Afghanistan to Malaysia as a teenager five years ago, he had no choice but to fend for himself. His family had only enough money for one of them to flee.

“I know it’s illegal for a refugee to work in Malaysia. But I have no choice as an orphan, as I have no trace of my family at the moment. I work around 18 hours a day and I hardly get paid four ringgit ($0.88) an hour,” the 18-year-old told Al Jazeera.

Zabi is working as a housekeeper in a Malaysian-owned hotel in Kuala Lumpur but because he is a refugee and not officially allowed to work, he has no written contract.

He has had a series of other jobs – as a security guard, in restaurants and in customer service – and lives a precarious existence, struggling to make enough money to pay his 500 Malaysian ringgit ($106) monthly rent.

“After extremely exhausting long working days, Maggi instant noodles are something I eat most days,” he said.

Malaysia has no formal framework for refugees, which means they are left in a legal no-man’s land where they are vulnerable to exploitation by those who do employ them. Under Malaysian law, refugees are also no different to undocumented migrants who are often targeted in official crackdowns.

Malaysia has cracked down on undocumented migrants in recent years [File: Hasnoor Hussain/Reuters]

Asked about refugees at the United Nations last month, the Malaysian representative defended the government’s approach and indicated that there was no room for change.

“Who is the deserving refugee? Who is a deserving asylum seeker? Who is an economic migrant? Who is to determine them as such?” Foreign Affairs Ministry Deputy Secretary General (multilateral affairs) Bala Chandran Tharman told the Universal Periodic Review (UPR) in Geneva, according to the Malay Mail.

While Malaysia is a member of the UN, it has never signed the 1951 Refugee Convention and there are no laws (PDF) in place to recognise and provide for those fleeing persecution and conflict.

Refugees also have no right to work, attend school or access medical care.

Registration with the local office of the UN High Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR) provides some measure of protection and support, including limited access to healthcare, education and other services provided by the UN and its partners.

“This is only an identity document and has no formal legal value in Malaysia,” the UNHCR website notes of the card given to all those registered with it.

In 2022, the Malaysian government said all asylum seekers and refugees would need to register under the government’s Tracking Refugees Information System (TRIS), which was launched in 2017.

The TRIS website talks about safety and the risk of social problems linked to the influx of refugees but suggests registration may allow cardholders to work in some, mostly unskilled, areas.

“The lack of legal protection forces refugees to work illegally, and most of the jobs that they find are 3D jobs, the ‘difficult, dangerous, and dirty’ kind of work that Malaysians try to avoid,” said Jana Stanfield, the co-founder of Together We Can Change the World and founder of the Refugee Film School in Kuala Lumpur.

More than 100 Rohingya refugees escaped from an immigration detention centre in Bidor this month. The UNHCR has not been able to visit the centres since 2019 [Hasnoor Hussain/Reuters]

Without legal protection and proper contracts, many do not receive Malaysia’s national minimum pay (introduced in May 2022) of 1,500 Malaysian ringgit ($329) per month or 7.21 Malaysian ringgit ($1.64) an hour.

Zabi, who spent five months learning English after arriving in Malaysia in 2018, says the boss at the security firm where he once worked had agreed to pay him about 1,000 Malaysian ringgit ($219) a month but never did.

Even now, he is forced to do overtime, which is unpaid, and work in other roles to meet his employer’s needs. He told Al Jazeera he has to agree to these conditions, having no alternative.

‘Win-win’

More than 70 percent of the 185,000 refugees in Malaysia registered with the refugee agency are of working age. According to information gathered from refugee communities, most make a living in restaurants, retail and other service jobs as well as agriculture and construction.

“It is a ‘win-win’ for Malaysia, as it would take into consideration both the humanitarian needs of refugees, whilst also benefiting the Malaysian economy as it recovers from the social and economic impact of the pandemic,” UNHCR spokeswoman Yante Ismail said in a statement to Al Jazeera about allowing the community to work legally.

Malaysia has allowed certain groups of refugees to join the workforce in the past.

In 2015, some Syrians were allowed to work and send their children to school under a scheme based on an initiative in the early 1990s for Bosnians fleeing the Balkan wars.

“Malaysia can allow refugees to exercise their right to work under an existing legal framework … and then this can be expanded to include education and healthcare,” said Mahi Ramakrishnan, an investigative filmmaker and activist based in Malaysia. “The question is whether the government has the political will to do so.”

Malaysia has millions of foreign workers who usually travel to the country on government-sponsored schemes to fill low-skilled jobs [Mohd Rasfan/AFP]

In 2017, a pilot project allowed about 300 Rohingya refugees with UNHCR cards to work legally in the plantation and manufacturing sector, but was not adopted.

In October, the Human Resources Ministry said refugees might be allowed to work officially in the so-called “3D jobs” amid shortages of workers who are usually brought in through government-backed arrangements from countries such as Bangladesh and Indonesia. Those schemes are currently under review as Malaysian seeks to regularise its policies on foreign workers.

Ultimately, refugee advocacy groups say the government needs to take the lead on any policy change.

“To grant refugees the right to work is to ensure that they are able to have access to livelihood that is safe, decent and dignified,” Hui Ying Tham, the executive director at Asylum Access, told Al Jazeera. He stressed that the implementation of this “requires a multifaceted approach with the government leading, in consultation with refugee communities, the changes in laws, policies and attitudes to create a framework that recognises and supports the rights and potential of refugees.”

Tham added that work should also recognise the skills and experience of the individual refugees as it does with any other member of the workforce.

Abolfazly*, an Afghan refugee school teacher whose village was burned down by the Taliban, agreed.

“We had a life before taking refuge in another land,” he said. “We’re educated, we’re resourceful. Host countries like Malaysia can use us – not only in agriculture but in their socioeconomic development,” said the 28-year-old, who is working on finishing his PhD in law.

The UNHCR remains hopeful that there will eventually be a resolution, although the latest comments at the UPR suggest that might not happen soon.

For refugees like Zabi, that means continued struggle.

“I want to go to university. I love learning new languages,” he told Al Jazeera. “Right now, my life is all about eating, sleeping and working. I have no plans for the future because I know none of the plans will work. But I’ll still keep trying – like I always do.”

*Pseudonyms have been used to protect the refugees’ identity

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Filipinos in Hong Kong were promised a new life in Poland. It never came | Labour Rights News

This is the second article in a two-part series about the alleged exploitation of Filipino migrant workers. 

Hong Kong, China – It only took a few minutes of searching online for Divina*, a domestic worker in Hong Kong, to find a recruiter offering the tempting opportunity to work in Poland.

Before long, Divina found herself attending a two-hour orientation session on the 17th floor of a building in the city’s bustling Mong Kok district.

There, she listened as agents listed opportunities in workplaces ranging from hotels to a chicken processing plant and a car parts factory.

“So you would really be convinced that [they] had many contacts in Poland,” she told Al Jazeera.

Divina paid the recruiters 10,000 Hong Kong dollars ($1,279) to initiate her application to work in Europe.

But more than 14 months later, Divina is still waiting for her application to be finalised and has all but given up hope of ever reaching Poland.

Divina is one of at least dozens of domestic workers in Hong Kong who feel cheated after paying thousands of dollars in fees for jobs in Poland that haven’t materialised.

Labour advocates in the financial hub say that the victims of an international network of recruiters and agencies have lost at least 600,000 Hong Kong dollars ($76,785) – but that is likely to only be the tip of the iceberg.

Al Jazeera spoke with five Filipino domestic workers in Hong Kong and read written statements from 20 others who claim to have been deceived by online recruiters and at least two agencies in Hong Kong that worked with a Poland-based agency.

Many said they were unable to support their families for months after taking out loans to cover the recruitment fees.

Labour advocates in Hong Kong say domestic workers have been targeted by an international network of recruiters and agencies that has cost them at least 600,000 Hong Kong dollars [Dan Archer/Al Jazeera]

Such cases are far from unique in Hong Kong, which has become a “hotbed for illegal recruitment schemes” due to its 340,000-strong population of foreign domestic workers and the growing demand for migrant workers from Asia to Eastern Europe, according to David Bishop, a university professor and co-founder of the migration-focused social enterprise Migrasia.

Bishop said his team has identified a large number of agencies that engage in third-country recruitment strategies prohibited by Philippine labour authorities.

“These agencies target Filipino workers in Asia with the alleged intention of placing them in jobs in Europe,” he told Al Jazeera, adding that recruiters play on the despair of people hoping to find work opportunities.

A few weeks after her application, Divina was informed that a Warsaw-based agency would be solely responsible for handling her application. The partner agency in Hong Kong that she dealt with directly told her it was no longer involved.

Ultimately, the Polish agency claimed it had not received her payment.

Divina, who is legally required to live with her employer in Hong Kong and often works 16-hour shifts without overtime, was at a loss for what to do next.

“I keep praying, I keep begging [to get back] all our hard-earned money,” she said, adding that while she hopes to get a refund, she still dreams of going to Poland.

Recruitment agents have sold Poland to domestic workers as a country that offers higher salaries – sometimes more than double – better working conditions, and the opportunity to live together with their families in Europe.

After the Philippines, Hong Kong was the top source of visa applications by Filipinos hoping to work in Poland from 2021 to November 2023.

Polish authorities in Hong Kong processed 2,980 visas for Filipino workers over the period, according to a spokesman for Poland’s Ministry of Foreign Affairs.

Searching for answers

Maria*, another Filipina migrant worker who applied for a job in Poland with the Mong Kok-based agency, has also been left searching for answers.

“I don’t know where my 10,000 Hong Kong dollars went,” she told Al Jazeera, referring to the first cash instalment she made in May 2022.

Maria said she was told her full application would cost 30,000 Hong Kong dollars (US$3,839) – more than six times the monthly minimum wage of a domestic worker in Hong Kong.

“I thought that because we were using an actual agency in Hong Kong, we would be more protected,” she said.

Maria cannot understand why she remains in the city, while another worker she knows who applied with the same agency at the same time was offered a job and successfully reached the Eastern European country.

In WhatsApp messages seen by Al Jazeera, Maria asked the Hong Kong agency for proof that her money had indeed been sent to Poland, but was told that was “confidential [information] between companies”.

In November 2022, the agency ­– which currently holds a licence to operate in the city – sent a letter to applicants, claiming that “all the problems” were “from the Poland side”.

When Al Jazeera accompanied Maria on two visits to her agency in Mong Kok last month, the office was closed each time.

A person who answered a number posted on the door questioned why Maria had decided to go there in person, insisting queries be sent over WhatsApp.

Despite repeated efforts, Maria has been unable to meet with anyone from the agency in person.

Philippine authorities have received dozens of complaints against the Poland-based agency CIS Group Manpower [Dan Archer/Al Jazeera]

The Philippine Consulate in Hong Kong had recorded 24 formal complaints against a Poland-based agency, CIS Group Manpower, as of the end of November – 18 of which named Son Employment as its Hong Kong partner.

“Almost all stated they have paid significant amounts [ranging from] 10,000 to 30,000 Hong Kong dollars to the recruiter, only ending up not being able to leave for Poland,” Raly Tejada, who served as Consul General until last month, told Al Jazeera.

The owner of the CIS Group Manpower, Imran Mehmood, said he leads an “honest” agency that follows Polish regulations and denied defrauding or overcharging workers.

Mehmood said his firm was no longer working with Son Employment and claimed that he had been “cheated” by its owner. He did not offer details about their falling out.

A spokesman for Hong Kong’s Labour Department said Son Employment ceased operations on May 31, 2022, and had its licence cancelled soon after.

Kenneth Tang, Son Employment’s former owner, rejected Mehmood’s accusations and claimed he was “a victim” of CIS Group Manpower himself. He also did not elaborate on the souring of their business relationship.

Tang said he reimbursed dozens of Filipino workers who reported problems with their applications for Poland.

“I refunded some money to applicants if they had good reasons – but, of course, maybe 40 percent,” he said, adding that he could not provide full refunds because payments had already been made to the partner agency in Poland.

Tang, who said he now works as an adviser for another employment agency in Hong Kong, declined to disclose how much he charged migrant workers or how many used his services.

He claimed that employment agencies were losing money because “six out of eight” Filipino workers abscond from their job after arriving in Poland, without offering evidence in support of his claim.

Fear of coming forward

Isla Wilson, programme manager at Migrasia, estimated that at least 200 Filipinos, mostly in Hong Kong, have been deceived.

“This is the most extensive recruitment network we have investigated to date,” Wilson told Al Jazeera.

Wilson said her team has assisted more than 30 clients in Hong Kong and the Philippines in submitting claims surpassing 600,000 Hong Kong dollars (US$76,785).

“However, we estimate that the agencies have earned a significantly higher amount from their illegal services, as some victims chose not to file a complaint or still hold out hope for deployment,” she said.

Maria did not make an official complaint due to her reluctance to deal with bureaucracy in her limited free time and because it is illegal under Philippine law to be hired directly from Hong Kong to a third country.

In a 51-page report submitted to authorities in Hong Kong, Poland and the Philippines in April last year, Migrasia said employment agencies prevented applicants from making “truly informed choices” and placed them at “risk of labour exploitation”.

Migrasia said it found several violations of Hong Kong’s Trade Descriptions Ordinance, including false or misleading representations, unfair commercial practices and the collection of exorbitant fees.

A spokesman for Hong Kong’s Labour Department said that, even if the employment is to take place outside the city, agencies must be licensed and can only charge up to 10 percent of the worker’s monthly salary after placement.

He did not clarify if the department had received complaints specifically related to recruitment in Europe.

A spokesman for the Hong Kong Police Force declined to confirm if it was investigating the recruitment network for potential breaches of the law.

Diplomat Tejada said he discussed third-country recruitment in Hong Kong with his Polish counterparts in the city and raised the possibility of a bilateral agreement to address the issue.

“It is our view that the negotiation of a formal bilateral labour agreement is the viable answer to the current issues affecting Filipino workers in Hong Kong being recruited for jobs in Poland,” Tejada said.

Domestic workers like Divina still dream of working in Poland [Dan Archer/Al Jazeera]

Shiella Estrada, vice chairperson of the Progressive Labour Union of Domestic Workers in Hong Kong, said she was worried about the large loans being taken out by domestic workers applying for jobs in Poland.

Estrada urged the Philippine authorities to raise awareness among domestic workers and called on the Hong Kong government to inspect agencies recruiting for the European country.

“Agents in Hong Kong point fingers at those in Poland. Those in Poland point fingers at those in Hong Kong. We saw this happening before,” Estrada told Al Jazeera.

Wilson, of Migrasia, said agencies and recruiters in both countries that do not follow regulations should face consequences, including the revocation of their licenses in some cases.

Most importantly, Wilson said, anyone who has been victimised should receive compensation “as financial restitution is vital for them to achieve complete justice”.

This article was supported with funding from Journalismfund.eu.

*Names have been changed to protect individuals’ privacy.

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These Filipinos paid thousands for a job in Poland. Now they feel cheated | Labour Rights

This is the first article in a two-part series about alleged exploitation of Filipino domestic workers. 

Hong Kong, China – The sizzling of chicken adobo – a sweet and savoury Filipino dish – fills the air of a high-rise apartment in Doha.

It is Sunday, Andrea’s only day off, and she is preparing dinner before another long work week begins.

After more than five years in the Qatari capital, Andrea* has long been tired of her sales job and living conditions in the city, where she shares a flat with three fellow Filipinos.

So when a friend moved to Poland for work last year, Andrea seized the chance to apply with a recruitment agency that promotes mostly factory jobs in the European country.

But after transferring about 2,500 euros (US$2,700) to agents, she is yet to receive her plane ticket.

“I am so stressed because of the big amount of money I already paid,” she told Al Jazeera. “I keep thinking how I can get [it] back.”

Andrea is not alone.

Al Jazeera interviewed 10 Filipino workers and saw written statements from 20 others who claim they were promised jobs in Poland that never materialised, after falling prey to a network of agencies and individual agents working together across multiple countries.

Despite having paid thousands of dollars in fees, they fear they won’t ever reach the European country.

Andrea said she was told her application would be completed in about six months and cost 3,500 euros ($3,820). But the last she heard from her Poland-based agency was that she needed to pay an additional 500 euros ($550) because her work permit had expired while she was waiting for a visa appointment with the Polish embassy.

“They are asking [for] just money and not processing the applications properly,” Andrea said.

Stronger rights, higher salaries

Filipino workers, both in the Philippines and in popular migrant worker destinations such as Qatar and Hong Kong, are being drawn to Poland through a mixture of word of mouth and social media accounts promoting jobs.

For many, the prospect of living and working in Europe seems like a dream come true.

In the Philippines, millions have struggled with soaring inflation and the lingering effects of the COVID-19 pandemic, while many migrant workers in Gulf countries and elsewhere in Asia face low salaries, poor conditions and meagre protections.

“Here in Qatar, even if I work for 50 years, I won’t be able to become a permanent resident,” Andrea said.

Andrea doesn’t believe she would ever be allowed to bring her family from the Philippines to Qatar, which in 2018 became the first Gulf country to start granting foreign residents permanent residency, no matter how hard she works or how long she stays.

Instead, she sees a factory job in Poland as a ticket to greater opportunities for her and her family.

Filipino workers in three different locations – Qatar, the Philippines and Hong Kong – told Al Jazeera they were led to believe they would find higher salaries in Poland, although they were rarely informed would also face significantly higher taxes.

Other touted perks include the chance to bring one’s family to Poland, despite that not being a straightforward process for low-income workers, and access to other European countries.

The number of Filipino workers in Poland has grown rapidly in recent years.

Poland issued 22,557 work visas to Filipinos in 2022, compared to just 2,057 in 2018, according to data from the Polish Ministry of Family, Labour and Social Policy.

Between 2015 and 2022, Filipinos were among the top five fastest-growing groups to enrol in the country’s social insurance program.

A spokesman for Poland’s Ministry of Foreign Affairs said that “the need for Filipino workers in Poland is a combination of a number of factors related to the dynamic growth of the Polish economy in recent years as well as demographic challenges”.

Filipino migrant workers are being drawn to Poland through a mixture of word of mouth and social media accounts promoting jobs [Dan Archer/Al Jazeera]

According to migrant workers and labour experts, unscrupulous agents are taking advantage of the country’s growing allure.

Most workers said they were asked to make payments in three instalments.

The total amounts varied from about $3,500 to $5,000, well above the legal maximum amount in the Philippines. Poland prohibits employment agencies from charging placement fees outright.

Workers also reported hidden charges, a lack of regular updates, and sometimes even verbal intimidation from agents.

Victoria* has lost all hope of a future in Europe.

After her food business went bankrupt in the Philippines, she felt she had no option but to leave her home country.

Then, last year, Victoria found the Facebook page of an agency that posted videos and photos of Filipino workers who had taken jobs in Poland.

“They encouraged me to work there,” she told Al Jazeera, recalling the first online exchanges with agents.

Victoria said that Poland’s lack of language restrictions and the prospect of becoming a permanent resident were major draws.

“I want [my son] to be a doctor. That’s why I want to go to Poland,” she said.

Victoria said she sent about 162,000 Philippine pesos ($2,880) via Western Union to recruiters with a Poland-based agency.

But then they requested an additional 1,500 euros ($1,635) as an “assurance fee” – a payment supposedly intended to dissuade workers from abandoning their job in Poland, which is often solicited on the understanding it will be refunded after six months to a year.

Victoria, a single mother who remortgaged her house and borrowed money from an acquaintance to cover her application, couldn’t afford the payment.

She said she was mocked by the recruitment firm after sharing her dire financial situation and told there were no refunds.

“Every day, I cannot sleep,” Victoria said, calling for workers to be compensated and agents “to be punished”.

Victoria filed complaints with Filipino authorities against the Polish agency. To date, no one has been punished and she has not received a refund or compensation.

To repay her debts and support her son, Victoria has since taken a job as a domestic worker in a Gulf country.

‘Many victims do not come forward’

Al Jazeera saw Western Union and MoneyGram payments along with several bank transfers that were sent to the individual accounts of Poland-based agents.

Some of those accounts were based overseas. The workers were not provided with official receipts.

Others said they made payments in cash to local agencies in Hong Kong, in some cases receiving a paper receipt with the name of an agency that does not hold a licence in the city.

Paras Kalura, operations manager at Migrasia, a Hong Kong-based social enterprise that has investigated complaints from migrant workers in the city, told Al Jazeera that his team was aware of the network, which has grown over time “by adding new recruiters and agents” in different locations.

But its scope is likely to be much larger than it appears, Kalura said, because “many victims… do not come forward, hoping for a future deployment to Europe”.

Although excessive recruitment fees have been an issue for Filipino workers going to various destinations for a long time, Kalura said the amounts charged by this network were “notably higher” compared to other cases his team encountered.

Under Philippine law, it’s illegal to directly recruit Filipino workers while they are working outside of their home country.

An overseas worker’s placement fee should also not exceed the equivalent of one month’s salary, which must be specified in a contract approved by the Philippine Overseas Employment Administration, and it can only be collected after all paperwork has been completed.

For domestic workers and seafarers, fees are prohibited.

The Philippines’ labour attache in Prague, Llewelyn Perez, said the average monthly wage of a Filipino factory worker in Poland was about 4,200 zlotys ($1,050).

Perez, who is in charge of supporting workers in six European countries including Poland, said she received an initial set of 15 complaints from Filipino workers in Hong Kong against a Poland-based agency named CIS Group Manpower.

Filipino authorities in Hong Kong said that as of November the complaints against CIS Group Manpower and a local agency connected with the agency had risen to 24.

“I made some recommendations to the Department of Migrant Workers with respect to the Facebook page that is being maintained” by the agency, Perez told Al Jazeera.

Filipino workers like Victoria hope they can get back some of the money they have lost [Dan Archer/Al Jazeera]

Over more than six months, Al Jazeera monitored several social media accounts recruiting for jobs in Poland, finding that Facebook and TikTok accounts with thousands of followers would be shut down only to reemerge soon after under a different name.

Perez said that she recommended that authorities conduct an investigation, which could result in agencies being blacklisted by the Philippine Overseas Employment Administration.

CIS Group Manpower and its owner Imran Mehmood have been on the Philippines Department of Migrant Workers’ temporary watchlist for employers since May 2022.

Businesses included on the watchlist, which serves as a caution to prospective employees, are not allowed to recruit Filipino workers unless they secure clearance from the Department of Migrant Workers.

Perez said she was aware of other unaccredited agencies recruiting Filipinos to work in Poland, but CIS Group Manpower, as of June, had the most complaints from workers who had paid fees but not reached the country.

Juliusz Gluski-Schimmer, a spokesman for Poland’s Chief Labour Inspectorate, told Al Jazeera in November that it had carried out two inspections of CIS Group Manpower.

After “shortcomings” were identified, the inspectorate issued an “improvement notice” with “four motions” that aimed “at ensuring compliance with the provisions in the future,” Gluski-Schimmer said.

The recommendations were focused on “the legality of employment of foreigners”, including the obligation to offer a written contract and provide a translation “into a language understood by the foreigner.”

‘We follow Polish law’

The owner of CIS Group Manpower, Mehmood, denied any wrongdoing by him or his agency, which has been licensed in the country since 2020, and said he had cooperated with the Labour Inspectorate by providing it with all documents it requested last year.

“We follow the Polish law,” he told Al Jazeera.

Mehmood said his agency doesn’t charge anything to process workers’ visas or find them a job, but that nonrefundable “consultancy fees” are charged to support workers with various procedures.

He said he has successfully placed dozens of Filipino workers and that those complaining about protracted applications can seek clarification from his agency.

He also noted that each case is different and that the process is not fully under its control as visa applications fall under the remit of the Polish authorities.

“We are doing our best to help people and bring them to Poland,” he said.

Mehmood, who accused some workers of lying, said his agency has been unfairly targeted.

“We give contracts and receipts when we receive the money in the company account,” he said, alleging that some of his former employees took applicants’ money.

Mehmood said that agencies in Poland have faced problems because Filipino workers often disappear upon arrival in the country, instead of taking the jobs they had agreed to.

Two of Mehmood’s former employees, who requested anonymity, denied stealing any money. They claimed agents had been instructed to overcharge workers and collect fees via their personal bank accounts.

Although Mehmood confirmed that his agency has worked together with other agencies in places such as Hong Kong, he did not disclose their specific financial agreements and said he could not take responsibility for what they charge to their clients.

Andrea is among dozens of Filipino workers who fear they will never reach Poland [Dan Archer/Al Jazeera]

Gluski-Schimmer, the spokesman for Poland’s Labour Inspectorate, said the recruitment of migrant workers from non-European countries by Polish employment agencies collaborating with foreign entities often involves “complicated recruitment processes” that can be “impossible to verify.”

“Such business mechanisms may serve to circumvent the provisions of the applicable law,” Gluski-Schimmer said.

They may also exploit “certain loopholes”, which can lead to “abuses” against migrant workers, he said.

However, Gluski-Schimmer said that introducing restrictions on Polish agencies working with entities based overseas is not on the table, as it would not be possible to check “whether they are complied with”.

He said migrant workers should be “cautious when dealing with companies providing labour intermediation services”.

A spokesman for the police in Poland would not confirm or deny if the agencies or agents accused of wrongdoing by workers were under investigation.

Meanwhile, in Qatar, Andrea’s mind runs in circles. She keeps thinking about how much her application money could have helped her family back home.

“It’s a big regret,” she said.

Still, Andrea is holding on to the hope that her application will eventually be finalised and she will one day get a job in Poland.

“If there is a chance to live in Europe, I will go and bring my mother there,” she said.

This article was supported with funding from Journalismfund.eu. *Names have been changed to protect individuals’ privacy.

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‘Traitor’: Thousands strike against Argentina’s President Javier Milei | Protests News

Buenos Aires, Argentina – In the biggest show of resistance to date against far-right President Javier Milei, Argentinian workers have taken to the streets for a general strike, bringing swaths of downtown Buenos Aires to a standstill.

It was an unprecedented mobilisation. Never before in modern Argentinian history has a mass strike been called less than seven weeks into a new presidency.

But leaders from Argentina’s largest labour union say the nationwide protests reflect the urgency they feel as Milei pursues radical economic and political reforms he likens to “shock therapy”.

Thousands of protesters swarmed the square in front of Argentina’s Congress on Wednesday, denouncing Milei’s sweeping plans to overhaul the government, privatise public industries and slash spending.

Some banged pots and carried signs accusing Milei of being a “traitor”. Other banners featured the portrait of working-class icon Evita Peron.

Elizabeth Gutierrez made her way to the gathering after working an overnight shift as a nurse. She explained she was motivated by steep increases in food prices since Milei took office.

“Before we used to have asados [barbecues] every Sunday. Not now. Even rice is very expensive,” Gutierrez said. “Rents have shot up. You can’t live off your salary any more: It’s not enough.”

“The people are here to defend their nation,” she added.

Protester Alicia Pereyra, 63, says her life has been turned ‘upside down’ since Javier Milei’s inauguration [Lautaro Grinspan/Al Jazeera]

Another protester, 63-year-old retiree Alicia Pereyra, voiced opposition to Milei’s efforts to deregulate the economy, including plans to “modernise” labour law and ditch rent regulation. “He wants us to be slaves,” Pereyra said.

Draped in an Argentinian flag, Pereyra worried about her ability to make ends meet in the face of Milei’s reforms. Her retirement income amounts to only 85,000 pesos per month — about $70.

She said basic necessities had become so costly under Milei that she is unsure whether she will be able to access the medicine she needs for a chronic illness.

Even small luxuries are now out of reach. Pereyra described how she and her husband opted for orange juice instead of wine to make their New Year’s toast for 2024, breaking a long-running family tradition.

“It’s a horrible feeling of not knowing what’s going to happen tomorrow,” she said. “[Milei] is turning our heads upside down.”

Protesters clanged pots and pans on the streets of Buenos Aires, Argentina, on January 24 [Lautaro Grinspan/Al Jazeera]

Extreme measures exacerbate extreme inflation

Argentina had already been suffering from record triple-digit inflation when Milei took office on December 10.

Elected on the promise that he would fix the sputtering economy, Milei quickly moved to implement austerity measures that he said were needed to get Argentina’s finances in order.

In his inauguration address, he warned the country that Argentina’s situation would get worse before it got better. And he was right.

One of his earliest measures was to devalue the Argentinian peso by 54 percent, which accelerated the already sky-high inflation rates.

According to the National Institute for Statistics and Censuses (INDEC), Argentina ended 2023 with annual inflation of 211.4 percent, the steepest rate in Latin America, surpassing even Venezuela.

The year also clocked the fastest inflation hikes since 1990, resulting in higher prices for consumers.

Santiago Manoukian, chief economist at the consulting firm Ecolatina, told Al Jazeera that December’s price increases will continue hitting consumers’ pocketbooks for the next several months. Salaries will have a hard time keeping up.

“We believe that real wages fell in December more than in any other month since at least 2002,” he said. “Purchasing power is going to continue to go down.”

That trend is expected to slow consumer spending, which Manoukian said will likely result in a recession and an uptick in unemployment and poverty. Four in 10 Argentines were already in poverty when Milei took office, according to national data.

Thousands of Argentinians participated in Wednesday’s nationwide strike, called by one of the country’s largest labour unions [Lautaro Grinspan/Al Jazeera]

Omnibus bill proceeds to Congress amid strike

Milei coupled his currency devaluation measure with immediate cuts to government spending, including consumer subsidies.

One presidential “mega-decree” in December reformed or overturned dozens of laws and paved the way for the privatisation of state-run companies. Another decree axed 5,000 government jobs.

But further changes are on the way. Wednesday’s nationwide strike comes as Congress prepares to consider a slimmed-down version of Milei’s “omnibus law” the following day.

Originally containing 664 articles, the bill sought to reimagine the country’s elections, restructure the lower chamber of Congress and enact tough new restrictions on protests, including through penalties of up to six years in prison.

The streamlined version is still massive, with over 500 articles. If passed, it would hand broad legislative powers to Milei’s executive branch for an “emergency” period of one year.

Still, the president dismissed Wednesday’s strike as evidence of backward thinking. “There are two Argentinas,” he told local media. “One wants to stay behind, in the past, in decadence.”

Members of his administration likewise blasted the protesters. On Wednesday, Security Minister Patricia Bullrich — Milei’s erstwhile rival on the campaign trail — called the union groups that organised the strike “gangsters” and “guarantors of poverty”.

“There’s no strike that will be able to stop us,” she wrote on X, the social media platform formerly known as Twitter.

Retirees carrying handwritten signs denounce austerity measures enacted under President Javier Milei in Argentina[Lautaro Grinspan/Al Jazeera]

Expert compares Milei to a ’mini-Trump’

Federico Finchelstein, a New York-based historian and fascism scholar, said Milei’s first month in office has demonstrated his “authoritarian style of populism”.

He drew parallels to Donald Trump, the controversial — but popular — former president of the United States who sought to claim broad executive authority while in office. Finchelstein likened Milei to a “mini-Trump”.

“It’s a type of populism that looks to undermine democratic institutions,” Finchelstein said.

But despite the criticism and protests he faces, Milei continues to enjoy broad support among Argentinians.

One survey this month, conducted by the pollster Escenarios, found that 55 percent of respondents believed Milei’s reform measures were necessary to improve the economy.

Political scientist Federico Zapata, the director general at Escenarios, credits those poll numbers to the president’s successful messaging to voters.

“In a way, Milei and the libertarians seem to have won the culture war,” he explained. “They managed to have installed a consensus over the diagnosis of the [economic] crisis, and that’s helping build approval over the slate of measures.”

Zapata added that Milei has also been successful in attributing the economic spiral to his left-wing predecessor, former President Alberto Fernandez.

“He says that the economic problems are the complete responsibility of the previous government. Based on that, he’s lowered expectations so that people stick with him for longer than the normal honeymoon period,” Zapata said.

Demonstrators outside Congress rally against the slate of political and economic reforms proposed by President Javier Milei [Natacha Pisarenko/AP Photo]

Still, Escenarios’ poll showed a majority of respondents felt any major policy changes should take place gradually, and not all at once.

And Milei could face further challenges to his reforms, beyond Wednesday’s large-scale protest.

A top Argentinian court has already invalidated a key component of his “mega-decree”, which had sought to cancel a host of worker protections. Both Gutierrez and Pereyra suggested that opposition to Milei may grow to the point where he is unable to finish his term in office.

“The government could find itself in the eye of the storm in just a few months,” Zapata said.

But Milei’s supporters remain optimistic that the firebrand president will make good on his campaign promises.

Luis Testa, a cab driver who voted for Milei, said he still backs the president, even as he makes cuts in his day-to-day expenses.

“We need to give him a chance. Let’s give him a year,” Testa said. “And if, for a year, all of us have to eat beans, we’ll eat beans.”

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Dominican Republic to trial four-day work week: Can it work globally? | Labour Rights News

In February, the Dominican Republic will become the first Caribbean nation to test a four-day work week, following similar trials in countries such as the United Kingdom.

The six-month pilot will be voluntary for companies and will not involve a pay cut for participating employees.

Growing calls for a shorter work week have stemmed from COVID-19-era discussions and anecdotes that long and in-person work hours do not necessarily guarantee higher productivity.

So what is the four-day work week trial in the Dominican Republic, and has it had success elsewhere?

What is the Dominican Republic’s four-day work week trial?

Beginning in February, organisations in the Caribbean nation can choose whether to implement a six-month-long trial of a four-day work week.

The standard week will drop to 36 hours from 44 hours, typically running from Monday through to Thursday. Employees will continue to earn the same salaries.

Some of the companies expected to participate in the trial run include the government’s national health insurance agency; power company EGE Haina; Claro, a Latin American telecommunications company; and IMCA, a heavy equipment business.

A local university has been tasked with analysing the results, including any health changes in workers and the relationship between work and their personal lives.

How does a four-day work week actually … work?

In a four-day work week, the workload typically remains the same. But companies, managers and their teams are forced to prioritise even more than they otherwise have to, cutting out, perhaps, some meetings.

But there’s something else too that a four-day week model must emphasise, according to the Dominican Republic’s Labour Minister Luis Miguel de Camps.

“It prioritises people, improving health and wellbeing, and promoting a sustainable and environmentally friendly productivity,” said de Camps.

Where has a four-day work week been trialled — and what happened?

Several countries around the world have tested or legislated a four-day work week, particularly since COVID-19, which reignited conversations around workplace flexibility, productivity, and work-life balance.

In 2023, the UK launched what is considered the largest trial of a four-day work week and found positive results. A total of 61 companies joined the trial, and 56 extended it, with 18 making the switch permanent.

About 2,900 employees were part of the pilot in the UK. Surveys taken before and after the trial found reduced stress levels within staff.

More than half of the surveyed employees said it was easier to balance work and home responsibilities, while 40 percent also said they were sleeping better.

Some of the other benefits that emerged from the UK trial included:

  • Employees ended up taking less sick leave since they had more time to physically and mentally recuperate from work and associated stress.
  • Gender parity improved. Men contributed more to household and family tasks when they had three-day weekends.

In Japan, where death by overwork killed close to 3,000 people in 2022, larger companies such as Microsoft have tested the four-day work week and found positive results.

Are there other success stories?

Iceland trialled a shorter work week between 2015 and 2019. Approximately 2,500 public sector employees participated in it.

The results: Workers were less stressed, and productivity did not suffer.

The trial, that Iceland’s labour unions renegotiated contracts for more than 85 percent of the country’s workforce to reduce work hours.

But are all four-day work weeks the same?

In February 2022, Belgium became the first European country to legislate a shorter work week. Employees can choose to work four days a week instead of five, without losing their salary.

But there’s a catch: They must still work 40 hours. In other words, those who choose the four-day work week must work 10 hours a day.

In 2021, the United Arab Emirates government announced that all public sector organisations would operate for four and a half days per week. However, employees in the country still spend some of the highest hours at work, at an average of 52.6 hours per week per employed person.

How about going longer rather than shorter?

In India, recent calls for a 70-hour week have sparked heated debate.

In 2023, Narayana Murthy, the iconic co-founder of Indian multinational technology company Infosys, made the recommendation saying it could boost productivity and the country’s economy.

India’s economy is already the fastest-growing among G20 nations. And Indians already work an average of 47.7 hours a week, which is higher than the 36.4 average in the United States or 36.6 in Japan, according to the International Labour Organisation.

In China, some firms practice a “996” work culture, in which employees work from 9am to 9pm, six days a week. The average work week, however, is 46.1 hours.

Still, Murthy suggested that the younger generation is not hardworking enough.

“India’s work productivity is one of the lowest in the world. Our youngsters must say: This is my country, I want to work 70 hours a week,” he said during a podcast. India’s labour unions have hit back at Murthy’s comments.

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