Anxious Zimbabwean migrants, smugglers watch South Africa’s election | Elections News

Gwanda, Zimbabwe – A Toyota Hilux with South African plates parks on the roadside in Nkwana village in Zimbabwe’s Matabeleland South province and honks its horn. An elderly woman makes her way to the car where the driver hands her parcels containing groceries, a blanket and a small envelope with an undisclosed amount of cash.

The driver, Thulani Ncube, 42, whose real name we are not using to protect his identity, is “oMalaicha”, an Ndebele word for the cross-border drivers who ferry goods between South Africa and Zimbabwe. Fortnightly, he makes deliveries to villagers in the border region – most of it smuggled.

“There are goods we declare, but some we smuggle them in and out,” Ncube told Al Jazeera. “With most of our clients in low-paying jobs in South Africa and in the villages in Zimbabwe, we don’t want to add extra charges included in declaration of goods, so bribes come into play at border controls.”

Zimbabweans have been fleeing across the border into South Africa for decades – most as a result of political crisis, harsh economic conditions and chronic underdevelopment at home.

There are more than a million Zimbabweans living in South Africa, according to the country’s census data and the International Organization for Migration (IOM), which also notes that many have entered the country without proper documentation.

The situation has created business opportunities for Malaicha, who not only smuggle goods but also people wanting to enter South Africa illegally.

An oMalaicha, or cross-border driver, gets ready to take goods from Zimbabwe to South Africa [Courtesy of GroundUp]

Ncube, who has been oMalaicha for 11 years, said he charges “one beast” – one cattle, or the equivalent cost of $300-$400 – per person he takes across.

But now, with South Africa’s upcoming general election on May 29, a vote expected to be the most competitive one since the end of apartheid 30 years ago, Ncube is worried about what the outcome may mean for business.

What he is sure about, he said, is that even if the next government tightens South Africa’s immigration policy, he will not stop his work but move it further underground.

Connected across borders

In Gohole village, 161km (100 miles) from the Beitbridge border with South Africa, village head Courage Moyo, 64, stays glued to his television these days, closely watching election debates and developments in the neighbouring country.

Despite xenophobia and flare-ups of violent attacks against foreign nationals in South Africa, Zimbabweans still flock there to give themselves and their families back home a better life.

“I have lost seven cattle paying oMalaicha to transport my children to South Africa,” Moyo told Al Jazeera. “They had no documents, I could not afford the passports for them, so they had to cross illegally.

Courage Moyo
Courage Moyo, the headman of Gohole village [Calvin Manika/Al Jazeera]

“Every month I receive groceries and money from South Africa to sustain ourselves. I pray for them every day,” he said.

Now he is worried that any unfavourable outcome in South Africa’s immigration policy will affect Zimbabweans living there as well as the millions back home who depend on them for remittances and support.

Moyo is in a local WhatsApp group chat with other parents and neighbours who have children in South Africa. The 310 members, including relatives across the border, use the platform to analyse the elections.

Some of the members in South Africa are considering rethinking their immigration plans if a new party takes power, with some contemplating moving to Botswana.

But for many in Matabeleland South, the links to South Africa are the strongest. The border province even favours using the South African rand, which people prefer to the local currency or the US dollar, which is popular elsewhere in Zimbabwe.

“Our families are part of that country,” Moyo said about how interconnected people are. “Nowadays elections in SA are the topical issue.”

The immigration issue

In April, representatives from five of South Africa’s leading political parties took part in a televised town hall panel discussion on immigration that Moyo watched snippets of on the show Elections 360. Among the millions of immigrants in South Africa, Zimbabweans took centre stage as a case study.

Speaking on the panel, South Africa’s Minister of Home Affairs Aaron Motsoaledi said the governing African National Congress (ANC) would “overhaul the whole immigration system” to deal with the issue of irregular and illegal migration.

The ANC has proposed repealing existing legislation to introduce a unified citizen, refugee and migration law.

Last month, the government also gazetted a Final White Paper on Citizenship, Immigration and Refugee Protection. Among other things, it proposes a review and possible withdrawal from some international treaties, including the 1951 Refugee Convention and the 1967 Protocol, which compelled South Africa to accommodate migrants and refugees without much restriction.

Motsoaledi said at the time that when the treaties were acceded to in the 1990s, it was done “without the government having developed a clear policy on migration, including refugee protection”.

Now South Africa “does not have the resources” to meet all of the requirements of the 1951 Convention, the minister added.

Aaron Motsoaledi, South Africa’s home affairs minister [File: EPA]

On the Elections 360 panel, Motsoaledi said overhauling the immigration system would resolve job issues among locals, which Zimbabweans and other nationals have been accused of taking over, and help bring skilled labour into the country.

However, Adrian Roos, a member of the official opposition Democratic Alliance (DA), said the problem was not the laws but that they were not being implemented effectively.

Gayton Mackenzie from the right-wing Patriotic Alliance (PA) blamed Zimbabweans for taking jobs while 60 percent of young South Africans were unemployed.

“It’s very hard to go to any restaurant and find a South African working there. It’s very hard to go into the security industry and find a South African … Every house has got illegal foreigners working there,” he said, urging “mass deportation” of people.

Funzi Ngobeni, from the right-leaning political party ActionSA, pointed to the root of the issue, saying the ANC government was “propping up” the ZANU-PF government in Zimbabwe, which was the cause of people fleeing over the border, to begin with.

Mzwanele Manyi of the left-wing Economic Freedom Fighters (EFF), meanwhile, took a more positive stance on migration, saying a government under their rule would look at Africa as a whole, beyond “the Berlin Conference borders of the imperialists” — with one passport for Africa and all Africans welcome.

“I am happy that there are diverse voices on this issue, which makes us a bit hopeful and hope for the parties with friendly immigration policies to win,” Moyo told Al Jazeera about what he had heard.

ZEP permits

Not all Zimbabweans in South Africa are undocumented.

In 2009, South Africa provided special dispensation for Zimbabweans affected by the crisis next door. Over the years, that evolved into what is now called the Zimbabwe Exemption Permit (ZEP).

In 2021, the Department of Home Affairs decided to end the special dispensation, but Minister Motsoaledi has since faced a litany of litigation from civil society organisations challenging the decision to terminate it by 2023. After court orders and mounting pressure, the ministry extended the permits to November 2025.

ZEP holders are allowed to work, seek employment and conduct business. But they cannot apply for permanent residence and the new permits will not be renewable. A permit holder can also not change their status in the country and must register all their children born and staying in South Africa.

Outside of the courts, the hope for the approximately 178,000 ZEP holders is in the outcome of this election.

Delight Mpala has a Zimbabwe Exemption Permit [Calvin Manika/Al Jazeera]

Delight Mpala, 36, who initially crossed the border to South Africa without documents in 2012, was deported a year later. After three years at home, she obtained a passport and managed to go back. While in South Africa, she successfully got a ZEP. However, her fears remain high.

“Under the ANC government, we have managed to stay in the country. But it’s a fight, not the gesture of the governing party. We believe that they are parties which if South Africans vote for, it will be better for us. But if [it] goes the other way, then we are doomed and our families back home,” Mpala told Al Jazeera.

In a recent GroundUp survey on immigration – that members of Moyo’s community WhatsApp group in Gohole village also discussed – different political parties shared their views on the ZEP.

While the ANC did not answer the survey’s questions, the opposition DA said it would allow current ZEP holders to apply for alternative visas they qualified for, including permanent residency for some, but the provisions would not immediately include the right to work.

The right-leaning Inkatha Freedom Party (IFP) said it supported Motsoaledi’s decision to bring the ZEP to a close. On the future of Zimbabweans in South Africa, it said: “They should ideally return to their homeland, unless they successfully apply for and obtain alternative visa categories that allow them to stay.”

ActionSA expressed concern about the extension of the ZEP, saying it was essentially opposed to the permit and its extension was “a mockery of our constitutional democracy”.

‘Border jumpers’

While South African politicians debate immigration, Zimbabwe’s government has tried to discourage emigration, by, for instance, placing prohibitive prices for the issuance of passports.

The cost of getting a passport in Zimbabwe is about $200 – with fees paid only in USD and no provision for local currency. Meanwhile the average Zimbabwean earns between $200–$250 per month, making the travel documents largely unaffordable.

Against this backdrop, irregular migration to South Africa continues.

Zimbabweans wait to cross into South Africa on the dry bed of the Limpopo River along the border between Zimbabwe and South Africa [File: Jerome Delay/AP]

Although Beitbridge is the only formal land border between the two countries, the border region is more than 200km (124 miles) long.

When crossing illegally, some Zimbabweans pass through the official border with the help of smugglers and bribes, while others choose the more precarious route by “border jumping” via the Limpopo River; many migrants have lost their lives this way.

In Nkwana village where Ncube works, there are five Malaicha serving the route, with more servicing other routes across the Matabeleland region.

Ncube said on average each smuggles one to two people across per month, while other migrants find their way themselves.

If, after the election, South Africa’s immigration policy gets more restrictive, he will smuggle people only via the Limpopo River, he said, despite it being unsustainable and more dangerous than his current business.

“Despite xenophobic attacks and the risks of deportation, young people are eager to relocate to South Africa,” he told Al Jazeera. “These are uneducated people in informal spaces who are not eligible for the ZEP and permanent residence permits.

“Many times, you see our young people roaming at no man’s land near the Beitbridge border post. They want to go,” said Ncube.

Check out our Latest News and Follow us at Facebook

Original Source

‘Triple spending’: Zimbabweans bear cost of changing to new ZiG currency | Business and Economy News

Harare, Zimbabwe – At a shopping centre in Glenview, a busy working-class suburb of Zimbabwe’s capital, Harare, carpenter Arnold Mutiri stopped to buy a 2-litre (half-gallon) Mazoe Raspberry drink.

The price tag said US$3.70. With Zimbabwe’s volatile currency and years of economic crisis, most goods are priced in more stable United States dollar amounts with customers receiving their small change in local currency.

Mutiri handed the shopkeeper four US$1 bills and waited for his change. But the shop had none available. The 37-year-old then tried to pay the full amount in ZWL, Zimbabwe’s outgoing currency, which locals call bond notes, but the till operator refused to accept it, telling him to buy something else or forfeit the balance.

The scenario is one many Zimbabweans now face on a daily basis since the country launched its new currency, Zimbabwe Gold, or ZiG, two weeks ago, Mutiri said, lamenting how people have to budget more for basics just to make it through the day.

On April 5, Zimbabwe’s central bank announced the new gold-backed currency, immediately implementing changes on digital platforms with local banks converting ZWL to ZiG amounts on their systems.

However, the new bank notes will become available only at the end of the month after the central bank’s governor put in place a grace period to enable the transition. In the meantime, the central bank made assurances that bond notes would still be in use.

Despite this, many businesses like the shop in Glenview have already ceased trading in ZWL, significantly impacting millions who depend on cash for their daily needs, including people working in the informal economy.

New ZiG bank notes will become available only at the end of April [Calvin Manika/Al Jazeera]

“This comes at a time when we are already struggling with unemployment and the drought. Shops cannot give change, meaning they are rounding up all the transactions,” Mutiri said.

“They are profiteering a lot during this period of poorly coordinated currency transition. One has to double or triple the usual spending,” he told Al Jazeera.

Old notes not accepted

The ZiG is set to replace both existing ZWL bond notes and the Zimbabwean dollar, launched in 2016 and 2019, respectively.

Zimbabwe has been struggling with its currency for more than a decade. The ZiG is the country’s sixth attempt to launch a new one since 2008 when the rate of inflation reached 79.6 billion percent per month before soaring to an unprecedented level of 89.7 zillion percent by November that year, according to the International Monetary Fund.

The decision to move to the ZiG was an attempt to tackle inflation and also foster “simplicity, certainty [and] predictability” in Zimbabwe’s financial affairs, John Mushayavanhu, the governor of the Reserve Bank of Zimbabwe, said at the launch.

But simplicity is not what many consumers in Zimbabwe are currently experiencing.

Several people in Harare and nearby towns and rural areas told Al Jazeera that despite assurances the old notes were still in use this month, government entities and the private and informal sectors were all rejecting them, leaving people in the lurch.

“This is beyond the shops. Last week at the tollgate, the government agency ZINARA was rejecting the bond notes, yet people do not have the ZiG cash,” Mutiri said, explaining how the agency insisted on US dollar payments at the tolls, resulting in a long queue as motorists protested but without success.

“Bond notes are still a legal tender for transactions, at least until April 30. The government itself is expected to reflect confidence and lead exemplarily, but they are also rejecting it altogether,” he added.

ZiG banknotes are displayed as the governor of the Reserve Bank of Zimbabwe, John Mushayavanhu, announced the new currency in early April [File: Jekesai Njikizana/AFP]

People were also unable to use online platforms to pay for telecommunications and electricity services in the immediate wake of the changeover while some banking services temporarily went offline from April 5 to 8, local media reported. This also affected US dollar transactions.

Clara Choti from the suburb of Kuwadzana said transport was now more expensive because operators were taking advantage of the situation.

“Local destinations within our suburbs where we used to pay between 30 and 50 [US] cents are now priced at $1, unless you are travelling as two or three people, which is rare. Operators say they do not have the change,” she said.

According to Craig Nhodo, a financial expert: “All these efforts by the government to change currencies are in search of stability of a freefall economy. [But] without the government itself committed to the use of the local currency, currencies have failed.

“Now ZiG is here, but you can’t buy fuel, pay import duty with it. Already the new currency is set for failure.”

‘It’s painful’

In rolling out the ZiG, Mushayavanhu said the central bank would organise campaigns to educate people about the new currency and its security features.

However, many people, especially those far from urban centres, are concerned.

In Murewa, a rural area 90km (55 miles) east of the capital, Agnes Kwaramba is worried about the lack of consultation done before the launch. The 61-year-old does not feel very confident about the ZiG in general.

Kwaramba, who retired five years ago, lost her savings four times during her career as a teacher. She said her losses were connected with changes in the currency rather than other economic factors bedevilling Zimbabwe.

“In 2001, 2008, 2016 and 2019, I lost my savings after decades of working, saving in anticipation of my retirement,” she told Al Jazeera. ”The monetary policies have failed us for years. Even now, there was no proper messaging and education to the populace about the new currency.”

Agnes Kwaramba, a retired teacher in the Murewa countryside of Zimbabwe [Calvin Manika/Al Jazeera]

When in 2016 the central bank introduced the ZWL as legal tender, it set the bank rate 1:1 to the US dollar and assured the nation that the value would be equivalent. So people, including Kwaramba, left money in their bank accounts only to realise the local currency was depreciating. Just a few months into the ZWL, millions had lost the value of their savings. Kwaramba’s finances have not recovered.

Again in 2019 when the Zimbabwe dollar was launched during runaway inflation, Zimbabwe faced another bleak period when foreign currencies, including the US dollar, were banned until 2020.

This time with the ZiG, Kwaramba said elderly people in rural areas are left with bond notes while shops refuse to give them change for their US dollars.

“The shops are not accepting our own currency, and when buying foodstuffs, they have no change,” Kwaramba lamented.

“Imagine here in the countryside amidst the El Nino-induced drought – it’s painful. We are failing to buy some of the basics due to the inflated prices or being forced to buy other goods.”

She said the government should have deployed Reserve Bank officers around the country to help allocate ZiG digital currency to use for mobile transactions while people wait for cash.

Lack of confidence or timing?

The Reserve Bank has assured the nation that the ZiG is backed by gold and is strong compared with the ZWL. But people like Mutiri and Kwaramba vividly remember the hope and eventual disappointment of prior currency swaps.

“We cannot be fooled again,” Kwaramba said. “I have spent my life as a civil servant, but I cannot point to anything today. After prices, this will go and affect our already paltry pensions.”

Economists said the 2016 launch of the bond notes was not informed by economic fundamentals and lack of political will in enforcing the use of that currency resulted in it failing and depreciating.

Economist Tashinga Henry Kajiva said the rationale behind the launch of the ZiG this year is mainly to curb inflation and introduce a medium of exchange stable enough to facilitate domestic and foreign trade.

But he added that the context is unfortunately wrong.

People queue to withdraw money from a local bank in central Harare [File: Philimon Bulawayo/Reuters]

“The idea itself is normal. If you have a gold standard, a currency backed by actual physical precious minerals, it means it would introduce price stability, increasing investor confidence, because they are actually backed up by precious minerals.”

While the initiative was advantageous to a certain extent, Kajiva said, the ZiG is not being launched in the right context because there are fundamental issues that need to be addressed within the financial sector for it to succeed.

“The first thing that the government of Zimbabwe through the Reserve Bank and the Ministry of Finance have to address is consumer confidence stakeholders. Zimbabweans are not confident in the domestic currency,” Kajiva added.

“We know Zimbabwe’s economic history has been marred by hyperinflation, no policy consistency when it comes to the financial sector. All those things have eroded the public trust, and the government needs to be very proactive and instil confidence in this newfound currency.”

The currency challenges have been visible even before the launch of the ZiG, so much so that Zimbabweans have stuck with the US dollar, which they draw out at banks or money exchanges, get via remittances from abroad or buy on the informal market, relegating their local currency merely to money for “change”.

Kajiva noted that fuel, excise duties and key commodities being paid using the US dollar have further limited public trust in the new currency.

“If some of them are being bought using the US dollar, what it creates is a necessity of the US dollar to the average citizen or to the public or to the stakeholders. And what then happens is when you cannot get the proper amount of US dollar within the banking sector, within the formal channels, what will happen is people will resort to going to the informal market to have those monies changed,” Kajiva said.

Nevertheless, the US dollar is in Zimbabwe to stay. Governor Mushayavanhu said at the ZiG launch that the government would not stop its use of the greenback as a medium of exchange, even with the introduction of the new currency.

Check out our Latest News and Follow us at Facebook

Original Source

Zimbabwe introduces new gold-backed currency to tackle inflation | Business and Economy News

Zimbabweans have 21 days to convert their old cash into new money, according to the central bank.

Zimbabwe’s central bank has launched a new “structured currency” backed by gold, as it seeks to tackle sky-high inflation and stabilise the country’s long-floundering economy.

The new currency – called Zim Gold (ZiG) – will be backed by foreign currencies, gold and precious minerals, John Mushayavanhu, the governor of Zimbabwe’s Reserve Bank, told reporters in the capital Harare on Friday.

Mushayavanhu said the ZiG would circulate alongside a basket of other currencies.

He said the central bank would also introduce a market-determined exchange rate.

“With effect from today … banks shall convert the current Zimbabwe dollar balances into the new currency,” he said.

The move is aimed at fostering “simplicity, certainty, [and] predictability” in Zimbabwe’s financial affairs, he added, presenting the new banknotes that come in eight denominations ranging from one to 200 ZiG.

The new notes feature a drawing of gold ingots being minted, as well as Zimbabwe’s famous Balancing Rocks, which already appeared on the old ones.

Zimbabweans have 21 days to convert their old cash into new money, Mushayavanhu said.

Zimbabwe’s Reserve Bank Governor John Mushayavanhu introduced the ZiG banknotes [Jekesai Njikizana/AFP]

Sufficient reserves to back new currency?

The Zimbabwean dollar has lost almost 100 percent of its value against the US greenback over the past year.

On Friday, it was officially trading at about 30,000 against its more coveted US counterpart – and at 40,000 on the black market, according to tracker Zim Price Check.

Its poor performance has contributed to the Southern African country’s high inflation rate, which after climbing well into the triple digits last year, was at 55 percent in March, according to official data.

The current inflation rate has piled pressure on the country’s 16 million people who are already contending with widespread poverty, high unemployment and a severe drought induced by the El Nino weather pattern.

Soaring prices have also brought back memories of 2008, when hyperinflation was so out of control that the central bank even issued a 100-trillion-dollar note, which is now a collectors’ item.

Amid these economic challenges, analysts have questioned whether Harare has enough reserves to adequately back the new currency, and if the latter could suffer from volatility in gold prices.

On Thursday, President Emmerson Mnangagwa inspected the central bank’s vaults that Mushayavanhu – who was appointed earlier this year – said hold 1.1 tonnes of solid gold.

The bank also has almost 1.5 tonnes more abroad, as well as $100m in cash and precious minerals – such as diamonds, that if converted into gold would account for another 0.4 tonnes, Mushayavanhu said.

Altogether, the reserves’ value totals $285m, which Mushayavanhu highlighted was “more than three times cover for the ZiG currency being issued”.

Meanwhile, the central bank added that it would also adopt a tight monetary policy, linking money supply growth to growth in gold and foreign exchange reserves.

Check out our Latest News and Follow us at Facebook

Original Source

What’s behind the latest US sanctions on Zimbabwe President Mnangagwa? | Corruption News

In March, the United States imposed new sanctions on 11 Zimbabwean individuals, including President Emmerson Mnangagwa and his wife, and other officials, following allegations of corruption and human rights abuses. It also placed sanctions on three businesses – also because of alleged corruption, human rights abuses and election rigging.

A statement from Mnangagwa’s office described the accusations as “defamatory”. It added that they amounted to a “gratuitous slander” against Zimbabwe’s leaders and people.

The move came after a review of US sanctions which have been in place since 2003. From now on, sanctions on Zimbabwe will apply to individuals and businesses listed under the Global Magnitsky Act of 2016. This Act authorises the US government to sanction foreign government officials worldwide for alleged human rights abuses, freeze their assets, and ban them from entering the US on unofficial business.

By switching to the Magnitsky Act to cover sanctions in Zimbabwe, the US said fewer individuals and businesses will receive sanctions than have until now. “The changes we are making today are intended to make clear what has always been true: our sanctions are not intended to target the people of Zimbabwe,” Deputy Treasury Secretary Wally Adeyemo said.

Rutendo Matinyarare, a vocal government supporter who leads the Zimbabwe Anti-Sanctions Movement, welcomed the change to the sanctions regime. “The real sanctions are gone now, so no more excuses. Let’s build the country now,” he tweeted on X, formerly Twitter.

Why does the US impose sanctions on Zimbabwe?

The US says it aims to promote democracy and accountability and address human rights violations in Zimbabwe.

“We continue to urge the Government of Zimbabwe to move toward more open and democratic governance, including addressing corruption and protecting human rights, so all Zimbabweans can prosper,” David Gainer, the US acting deputy assistant secretary of state said.

The US is also the largest provider of humanitarian aid to Zimbabwe, providing more than $3.5bn in aid from the country’s independence from British colonial rule in 1980 until 2020.

Do sanctions harm Zimbabwe’s economy?

Last year, Zimbabwean Vice President Constantino Chiwenga said the country had lost more than $150bn because of sanctions imposed by the European Union and the United States.

Alena Douhan, UN Special Rapporteur on unilateral coercive measures, who visited the country in 2021, said the sanctions “…had exacerbated pre-existing social and economic challenges with devastating consequences for the people of Zimbabwe, especially those living in poverty, women, children, elderly, people with disabilities as well as marginalised and other vulnerable groups”.

A 2022 Institute of Security Studies Africa (ISS) report found that investors tend to steer clear of Zimbabwe because of the “high-risk premium” placed on the country due to the targeted US sanctions.

Some international banks have also cut ties with Zimbabwean banks because the US Office of Foreign Assets Control (OFAC) penalises US companies or individuals who do business with any sanctioned individual, entity or country.

Government supporters march against Western sanctions, including ZIDERA, which prevents Zimbabwe from accessing loans and investment from international financial institutions, at a rally in Harare, Zimbabwe on October 25, 2019 [Philimon Bulawayo/Reuters]

Are sanctions the only thing holding back the economy?

Zimbabwean economist Gift Mugano said that corruption, even more than sanctions, holds Zimbabwe back. “Zimbabwe can weaken the possible effects of so-called sanctions, but corruption is the major problem,” he told Al Jazeera.

He added that the US and others have never imposed trade sanctions on Zimbabwe. “We can trade with anybody, including the Americans and the Europeans; the measures were financial and didn’t affect trade.”

Eddie Cross, an economist who advises the government and has written a biography of President Mnangagwa, pointed to Transparency International figures showing that corruption has cost Zimbabwe $100bn since independence. “That’s more than $2.5bn a year, but combining the two [corruption and sanctions] is enormous.”

However, the US still operates the Zimbabwe Democracy and Economic Recovery Act (ZIDERA), which the Congress passed in 2001. While the US says this is not a set of sanctions, ZIDERA prevents Zimbabwe from accessing loans and investment from international financial institutions, such as the IMF and the World Bank, which experts say hampers its ability to develop economically. Some institutions had stopped lending to Zimbabwe before ZIDERA because of its poor record of servicing loans.

Cross said experts estimate that banks lose about $1bn annually in higher bank charges because of ZIDERA. “ZIDERA has been in place for 23 years, and a billion dollars a year could have easily settled our national debt.” He added that the additional costs arise when local banks go through banks other than the regular correspondent banks, which sometimes refuse to deal directly with Zimbabwean banks for fear of being penalised by the US government.

Among the conditions Zimbabwe has to meet for the repeal of ZIDERA is the restoration of the rule of law, the holding of free and fair elections, a commitment to equitable, legal and transparent land reform – including the compensation of the former farmers who lost their land to the country’s land reform programme – and the military and police withdrawing from politics and government.

Do sanctions work?

Cross argued that sanctions do not tackle corruption. He questioned why the US does not impose sanctions on countries like China, which he says is undemocratic. “They allow China free access to international financial markets, Western technology and international markets, and they allow China to borrow enormous sums of money at very low interest rates with which they have been developing their infrastructure and economy.”

Additionally, a 2022 Institute of Security Studies Africa (ISS) report concluded that sanctions have largely failed to improve democratic behaviour among the ruling elites in Zimbabwe. Human rights violations persist and political freedoms remain severely curtailed.

Amnesty International regularly highlights the threats to freedom of expression, arrests of journalists and harassment of members of the opposition police forces and members of the ruling ZANU-PF party.

Furthermore, an Al Jazeera investigation last year found Zimbabwe’s government was using smuggling gangs to sell gold worth hundreds of millions of dollars, helping to mitigate the effects of sanctions. Gold is the country’s biggest export.

Who else imposes sanctions on Zimbabwe?

The United Kingdom and European Union also imposed similar sanctions on Zimbabwe, giving the same reasons as the US. They have whittled down the measures over the years.

However, as of February, an embargo on the sale of arms and equipment that the government may use for internal repression remains in place. The EU and UK also still freeze assets held by state-owned arms manufacturer, Zimbabwe Defence Industries.

Government supporters chant slogans as they march against Western sanctions at a rally in Harare, Zimbabwe October 25, 2019 [Philimon Bulawayo/Reuters]

What do Zimbabweans think of the sanctions?

Members of the Broad Alliance Against Sanctions have been camped outside the US embassy in Harare since 2019, demanding an end to all sanctions, including ZIDERA.

Sally Ngoni, a leader of the group, said: “All these measures are a tool to effect regime change in Zimbabwe; they want our government to fail; it’s punishment for reclaiming our stolen land from the whites.” She was alluding to the sometimes violent fast-track land reform that saw white farmers lose their farms ostensibly for the resettlement of landless Black people launched in 2000.

However, other Zimbabweans support the sanctions, saying they should remain in place until the government stops harassing and silencing opposition figures. “The measures affect those listed and not the generality of Zimbabweans,” Munyaradzi Zivanayi, an unemployed graduate, told Al Jazeera.

Some believe removing sanctions would help to expose government deficiencies. “The removal of all sanctions will expose the government’s incompetence as they cannot use the sanctions as an excuse any more,” said Harare accountant Joseph Moyo.

How have Zimbabwe’s leaders responded to sanctions?

The late President Robert Mugabe called sanctions an “interference in the affairs of Zimbabwe,” a sovereign state. In response, he declared a “look East” policy, meaning Zimbabwe would strengthen economic ties with countries such as China and Russia, which he regarded as more supportive. He also forged stronger ties with other sanctioned countries, including Belarus and Iran.

After the military removed Mugabe in 2017, Mnangagwa, the new president, adopted a “friend to all and enemy to none” approach. This saw the new government vigorously pursue re-engagement with estranged countries.

In 2019, it paid hundreds of thousands of dollars to Ballard Partners – a lobbying firm run by a Trump campaign fundraiser – after the US government renewed sanctions on 141 individuals and entities, citing continued human rights abuses and corruption.

Despite this charm offensive, it is still US policy that Zimbabwe has not addressed the issues for which sanctions were imposed. Besides corruption, US Secretary of State Antony Blinken, in a statement announcing the new sanctions, noted: “Multiple cases of abductions, physical abuse, and unlawful killing have left citizens living in fear.”

Then-Zimbabwean President Robert Mugabe signs a petition against Western economic sanctions, in Harare, on Wednesday, March, 2, 2011 [Tsvangirayi Mukwazhi/AP]

How have sanctions affected Zimbabwe-US relations?

Sporadic verbal outbursts, accusations and personal attacks characterise the complicated relationship between the two countries.

They took another hit in February when the US protested against the deportation of United States Agency for International Development (USAID) officials and contractors.

Zimbabwe’s version of the incident is that the four individuals entered the country without notifying authorities and held “unsanctioned covert meetings”. The Sunday Mail, a state-controlled weekly, reported that the meetings were held “to inform Washington’s adversarial foreign policy towards Zimbabwe”.

The US asserted that the USAID personnel were in the country legally and that the Zimbabwean government knew of their presence and mission.



Check out our Latest News and Follow us at Facebook

Original Source

‘They could have done more’: Zimbabweans slam gov’t anti-cholera campaign | Health

Harare, Zimbabwe – When Priscilla Moyo’s husband Brian returned home to Harare from Mvurwi, about 100km north of the capital on Sunday night, he seemed well. By 11pm, he was battling diarrhoea.

When his situation was still the same on Tuesday morning, 39-year-old Moyo took him to a nearby clinic in Budiriro, the city suburb where they live. On arrival, she was told that her husband had cholera.

“He is being treated right now in there,” she said dejectedly pointing in the direction of a grey tent, a makeshift treatment ward at the clinic. “He is on an intravenous drip and they say he might go home today.”

Across Zimbabwe’s 10 provinces, a deluge of cases of cholera infections is crippling health facilities in the Southern African country. Some patients like Brian, have recovered.

Others have not been as lucky.

Jessica Muzambezi, a young mother in the same suburb, lost her two-year-old son to cholera. “A burst sewer in my area caused the death of my son. The authorities did not attend to the sewer for two weeks,” she told Al Jazeera.

As of Tuesday, 25,780 cases of cholera have been recorded in Zimbabwe since the epidemic began last year. While the official government death toll stands at 470, the United Nations Children’s Fund (UNICEF), which is coordinating the mobilisation of resources for the anti-cholera campaign in conjunction with Zimbabwean authorities, put the number at 528. Children remain the most vulnerable, with a third of all cases affecting youngsters aged 15 and below.

And many Zimbabweans say the government is to blame.

A persistent problem

Zimbabwe’s sewage system, part of its inherited colonial infrastructure, has been overwhelmed as the population grew from about 3.7 million in 1960 to 17 million today. And potable water remains unavailable in many parts of the country, as the struggling economy is yet to update that infrastructure.

That, experts say, has made it easy for cholera, an infectious disease primarily transmitted through contaminated water or food, to spread rapidly.

In 2008, as many as 4,000 people died from cholera in the country during what is regarded as one of the worst episodes of the epidemic on the continent. Then, like now, the public health crisis was caused by poor sanitation and a lack of clean water. It was worsened by a crumbling healthcare system that deteriorated as the world’s worst hyperinflation crisis  – peaking at 79.6 billion percent on a month-to-month basis – surged in Zimbabwe, rendering the local currency useless.

The government of then-president Robert Mugabe blamed Western governments for the disease outbreak. Senior officials in his administration said the cholera epidemic was the outcome of a “serious biological chemical war” and a “calculated racist terrorist attack” being waged against Zimbabweans.

More than 15 years later, the city is facing another public health crisis, with the capital being the hot spot again.

While infections are rising nationwide, Harare, the country’s most populous province, has the highest concentration of new cases, accounting for a third of the total.

A quick drive around southern suburbs of the city like Budiriro, Glen View, and Highfield reveals dozens of tents donated by the World Health Organization (WHO) being manned by local health professionals.

Zimbabwean authorities have also been distributing vaccines to minimise the impact of the epidemic. The country has received 97 per cent of the 2.3 million doses approved by the International Coordinating Group on Vaccine Provision( ICG) as of February 12, with more to come later in the month. According to UNICEF, 1.5 million people (67 percent of the target population) had received an oral cholera vaccine (OCV) dose as of February 14.

In January, the health ministry launched Operation Chenesa Harare – a campaign named after the Shona word for “clean up” – after residents resorted to using undesignated dumping sites to cope with piling rubbish. Some say the garbage was left to pile up in the first place because not enough resources had been allocated on time.

‘It’s only fiction’

But there are fears that the mitigation efforts are coming too late and just as importantly, do not tackle the root of the problem. Some experts and activists also argue that the authorities have yet to learn lessons from the past.

Joyleen Nyachuru, a resident of Glen View and a community water alliance leader, is one of them. She blames local and central governments for the latest epidemic.

“They could have done more to minimise the impact of cholera on residents by coming together to contain raw sewer leaks and should have worked together to upgrade the old sewer infrastructure that continues to break down,” Nyachuru told Al Jazeera.

“In Glen View, we have 12,800 houses and each house has four to five households. This means each house houses 15 to 20 people using the same house and the same toilet,” she said, adding that the authorities need to provide clean potable water to every resident of the city to curb cholera.

For years, the city has not pumped water to many Harare households. Now, water flows through the taps once a week in most southern suburbs. Rubbish is still a common presence on street corners in the city despite government intervention.

This, according to Nyachuru, has also compounded the cholera situation.

Precious Shumba, director of the nonprofit Harare Residents’ Trust agrees.

“The major problem is that underground water and sewerage pipes are aged and sand blocked, resulting in numerous leakages along the water and sewerage infrastructure network,” Shumba told Al Jazeera, adding that sewer bursts in industrial areas of the city also stay unfixed for long periods.

But Harare Mayor Jacob Mafume said in addition to the vaccination programme, city authorities have intensified sewer repairs and are working on improving potable water supply to the city. Things would change for the better soon, he told Al Jazeera.

“The numbers have gone down significantly and we are confident we will turn the cholera tide,” Mafume said.

But his comments have not pacified most residents of the city who say they are now used to flowing sewage and being forced to find their own solutions.

“On the ground, the authorities are doing nothing … when the city says it will fix or is fixing our problems, it’s only fiction,” Nyachuru said. “They [officials] were only on the ground during the Chenesa Harare campaign. After the campaign, nothing has been happening.”

Check out our Latest News and Follow us at Facebook

Original Source

‘Structureless party’: How Chamisa led Zimbabwe’s main opposition astray | Politics

Harare, Zimbabwe – On January 25, exactly two years and three days after Zimbabwe’s main opposition party the Citizens Coalition for Change (CCC) was launched, its leader Nelson Chamisa quit, leaving the party in turmoil.

In a 13-page statement, the 46-year-old lawyer and clergyman listed a litany of reasons why he was taking the extraordinary step of abandoning the party he and others formed in 2022. His main gripe was what he called “infiltration” by the ruling Zimbabwe African National Union-Patriotic Front (ZANU-PF).

The opposition leader, who is expected to form a new party sometime soon, said he would not “swim in a river with hungry crocodiles”, in reference to CCC members he accuses of being sellouts workng for the ruling party.

But Harare-based analyst Alexander Rusero says Chamisa bailed because he had lost control of the party.

“You don’t run away from a movement that you are leading because of infiltration; if you are in control, you purge the infiltrators,” Rusero told Al Jazeera. He added that infiltration is par for the course for political parties, and Chamisa needs to learn to live with it if he wants to continue in politics.

A history of divisions

Divisions and tussles in Zimbabwe’s opposition are nothing new.

In 2018, longtime opposition leader Morgan Tsvangirai, founding president of the Movement for Democratic Change (MDC), died.

Chamisa claims Tsvangirai appointed him as acting leader of the country’s then-largest opposition before passing away. So he proclaimed himself party leader at the late Tsvangirai’s burial, ran under the MDC banner in 2018 for president, and came second to incumbent Mnangagwa.

However, the leadership battle spilled into court, which ruled that Chamisa’s leadership of the MDC was unconstitutional, and Thokozani Khupe, Tsvangirai’s deputy, was the rightful successor. That led to Chamisa forming the CCC in 2022, with some of those who broke away from the MDC joining.

Chamisa losing his grip on the CCC leadership became evident only weeks after last August’s elections, when the party won more than 100 of the 280 seats in the Parliament of Zimbabwe, denying the ruling party a two-thirds majority that could allow it to change the Constitution.

Sengezo Tshabangu, who claimed to be the party’s interim secretary-general, started recalling MPs and councillors, saying they were no longer CCC members. Under Zimbabwe’s constitution, an MP who ceases to be a member of the party under which he or she got elected has to vacate the seat, thus triggering a by-election.

Tshabangu wrote to the speaker of Parliament advising him to recall the MPs. The CCC labelled him an impostor and a proxy of the ruling party, but its request to ignore the recall letter was denied.

The MPs lost their court challenges of the recalls and were barred from contesting the resultant by-elections. Emboldened by the court’s ruling, Tshabangu recalled more MPs and councillors. Again, the courts stopped Chamisa’s faction from running at Tshabangu’s behest. He backed his candidates who all lost to ZANU-PF, which now has the two-thirds majority it yearned for.

Still, Tshabangu claimed to be loyal to Chamisa, referring to him as “president”, as is common practice in the CCC. He said his problem was the selection of candidates for the August poll, and he alleged the party leadership disregarded those chosen by the people during primaries and imposed their preferred candidates instead on ethnic grounds.

Tshabangu is widely believed to be the face of leaders in the CCC unhappy with Chamisa’s one-man leadership style.

The fate of the elected officials is currently a leading topic of national debate. Some people say they should follow their leader out of the CCC, while some argue they should stay in place to represent those who voted for them.

Of the two MPs who have resigned in solidarity with Chamisa, one, Rusty Markham, spoke to Al Jazeera. Markham said most MPs fund election campaigns from their own pockets and may be reluctant to leave Parliament before realising a return on their investment.

Some  MPs, however, argue they need to remain to represent the interests of those who elected them.

University of Western Cape’s Brian Raftopoulos, a Zimbabwean professor of democratic governance, feels they are right to do so.

“They should hang on to the seats they have, I don’t think they should walk away from Parliament because giving that space would be donating it to ZANU-PF,” he told Al Jazeera.

Supporters of Nelson Chamisa, the opposition leader of the Citizens Coalition for Change (CCC), hold up banners [John Wessels/AFP]

A ‘structureless party’

The ruling party has, however, denied involvement in the upheaval within the opposition. “We are only commenting on this because of our name being mentioned falsely by Chamisa. We have our organisation to run and the nation to provide for,” said Farai Marapira, ZANU-PF acting information director.

However, analysts say ZANU-PF may have taken advantage of a situation of Chamisa’s making as his leadership style comes under scrutiny.

His hardcore cheerleaders refuse to fault his moves and will go wherever he goes. But some say the CCC’s problems stem from the lack of organisation within it.

Analysts say that when Chamisa formed the party, he used strategic ambiguity  – keeping it as an amorphous entity without clear leadership organisation or a constitution – to avoid infiltration. This led to Chamisa personalising power.

“His gamble of having a structureless party failed,” said Ibbo Mandaza, director of the Harare-based think-tank the Southern African Political Economy Series (SAPES) Trust.

Former cabinet minister Jonathan Moyo, in self-imposed exile in Kenya, has also criticised the CCC in The Herald, a state-controlled daily, saying that “while a structureless and constitutionless formation may work for a cultic church, it can never work for a political party.”

Other critics accuse him of promoting a cult of personality.

But former CCC MP Markham claims the party had a structure, “How do you get thousands of people to attend a rally without structures?” he asked rhetorically. He blamed a compromised Parliament and judiciary for accepting Tshabangu as a CCC official without any paperwork to prove it. “The goal was to destroy the CCC and get ZANU-PF the parliamentary two-thirds majority it failed to get at the polls,” he said.

Markham was cagey about whether Chamisa would form a new party, but observers say this will be the case, as he is not done with politics yet.

In the statement rebuffing the CCC, Chamisa also asked Zimbabweans “to rally behind fresh politics, new politics, and genuine fresh and credible leaders who want to serve and not to be served”.

Chamisa agreed to speak with Al Jazeera, but did not show up for the appointment. He subsequently said he would call to arrange another appointment but failed to do so.

Nobody but Chamisa

However, the nagging issue of Chamisa’s perceived personalisation of the CCC just won’t go away. The day he disowned CCC, a senior party member told Al Jazeera anonymously that he learned about his leader walking away from the party on social media, “just like everyone else”.

Critics are also concerned about Chamisa’s frequent invocation of God. He has used the catchphrase ‘Godsinit’ for years and regularly posts Bible verses on X, formerly known as Twitter. He recently told the Voice of America that he took advice from God. “People make the mistake of thinking I do things as an individual,” he said, noting “I have one chief adviser … the Holy Spirit is a powerful adviser”.

That has not gone down well with some who feel politics and religion should be separate.

Regardless, Chamisa is still seen by many as the Pied Piper of opposition politics in Zimbabwe; at 46, he is still young, charismatic, and articulate, but Mandaza feels he stands out merely because of the mediocrity and a limited pool of potential leaders in Zimbabwe.

“Some of the people who could lead have joined the exodus out of the country. There is also the belief that ZANU-PF is too entrenched and intolerant towards newcomers,” he says.

Rusero also weighed in, noting “Chamisa may have the numbers but whatever he does next, he needs to be clear about what his party stands for besides removing ZANU-PF from power. They need to go beyond just mobilising a multitude of people and hoping that change is coming; they need to articulate what their ideology is.”

While Zimbabweans await Chamisa’s next move, his supporters have been holding meetings clad in blue, rumoured to be his next party’s colours, a departure from the CCC’s yellow. Whatever the new party name, they hope they can use its acronym to create a catchy slogan the way CCC became Chamisa Chete Chete, Shona for “Nobody but Chamisa”.

Check out our Latest News and Follow us at Facebook

Original Source

Zimbabwe nurses seek better conditions abroad but fear for patients at home | Health

Harare, Zimbabwe – In December 2021, Setfree Mafukidze, his wife and four children moved to Somerset in Northern Ireland, joining a long list of health workers who have fled Zimbabwe to escape economic and political turmoil.

For four years, he had worked as the head nurse at the only clinic in Chivu, a town about 140km (90 miles) south of Harare.

By his estimate, he cared for more than 10,000 people there. Despite earning only about $150 a month, he would often dip into his own pockets to pay his patients’ bills.

Once, a patient with meningitis needed $200 to buy lifesaving medication, a huge sum in a country where a third of the population live on no more than $1 a day. Neither the patient nor his mother had the funds, so Mafukidze appealed to well-to-do Zimbabweans in the diaspora to help. After they did, he drove back and forth to the capital, Harare – a 12-hour journey in all – to get the drugs.

For Zimbabweans who saw people like Mafukidze as heroes, their departures are seen as a great loss.

“He would attend to people at any given time during emergencies and could make follow-ups at our homes,” said Tawanda Mabuwu, a Chivhu resident. “When my sister who was his patient died after he departed for the UK, he sent his wife with clothes for Christmas for the two orphans my sister left. He was just good, and we keep on losing our best.”

Fleeing Zimbabwe

After Brexit in 2016 and COVID-19 four years later led to a shortage of skilled professionals in the UK, the country eased entry rules, leading to an increase in work visas issued to foreign health and social care workers.

From September 2022 to September 2023, 21,130 Zimbabweans were given visas to work in the UK, according to Home Office data. It was a 169 percent increase from the same period the year before, putting Zimbabwe among three countries – alongside Nigeria and India – with the largest number of citizens heading to the UK on this visa.

In November, the World Health Organization said the number of public sector health workers in Zimbabwe had been reduced by at least 4,600 since 2019 despite increased recruitment.

Five health workers told Al Jazeera they would jump at an opportunity to work abroad. Dozens of WhatsApp groups have been created with those who have left offering tips to members who are looking to leave or are in the process of doing so.

“Nurses in Zimbabwe are not paid well enough to stick around when an opportunity to leave arises. It’s all about remuneration. It’s all about conditions of service,” said Mafukidze, who decided to leave to give his children better opportunities and advance himself academically.

A healthcare worker who spoke on the condition of anonymity to Al Jazeera said he used to earn the equivalent of $150 per month but now gets 3,000 pounds ($3,782) per month after taxes.

Beyond pay, many healthcare workers in the African nation said they opted to migrate because of the general state of the healthcare sector. Health training schools are ill-equipped and have too few tutors. Hospitals lack functioning equipment and have inadequate drug supplies and poor working conditions.

The situation has been worsened by a deepening economic crisis that President Emmerson Mnangagwa has been unable to halt since toppling Robert Mugabe in November 2017 in a military coup.

“At the moment, there are shortages of staff, leading to burnout to those who are there. … The buildings are dilapidated. People need competitive salaries, and the issue of the economy must be addressed,” said Enock Dongo, president of the Zimbabwe Nurses Association.

Zimbabweans living in border towns are increasingly crossing to neighbouring South Africa and Zambia for healthcare. In 2022, an official in South Africa’s Limpopo province was caught on camera saying the country’s healthcare system was being overwhelmed by an influx of Zimbabwean patients.

Donald Mujiri, spokesperson for Zimbabwe’s Ministry of Health, did not respond to Al Jazeera’s questions about the continuing migration or the state of healthcare in Zimbabwe.

Solwayo Ngwenya attends to a patient at Mpilo Hospital in Bulawayo, Zimbabwe [Clemence Manyukwe/Al Jazeera]

A continuing dilemma

Despite being separated by oceans, many health workers abroad still keep in touch with their former patients and become sad whenever they get news of a death.

“I’m emotionally attached because I know that when someone has to reach a person who is more than 10,000 miles (16,000km) away from them for that kind of assistance, it means there is a gap. There is definitely a gap,” said Mafukidze, who is in his 40s.

That continuing bond has now led to a personal dilemma for dozens of these emigrants watching helplessly as Zimbabwe’s healthcare system and economy continue to deteriorate: to remain in their new homes where their time and talents are better rewarded or return home to help the patients they left behind.

“I have had a long list of patients, people who believed in my services, who constantly reach out to me, … and I have constantly helped them over the phone, but I have always felt I was better off on the ground,” Mafukidze said. “Unfortunately along the way, some have been lost, and it gives me some sadness to say maybe if I was there, things could have been different. … That feeling grips me [like] I neglected people back home.”

He delivers consultations virtually by WhatsApp or calls, focusing on diabetes care after having lost his mother to the ailment when he was only 12 years old.

Another nurse who left for Somerset in 2019, Tapiwa Mujuru said he was attached to teenagers who were born HIV-positive while working at a Harare facility.

“I used to tell them that they were going to make it, … but when I told them I was leaving, I saw self-doubt in their eyes. To tell you the truth, I felt bad about leaving, but I had to leave. I feel better that we still talk on WhatsApp,” he said.

In one WhatsApp group with 48 health workers, there was a unanimous agreement that they would like to return home one day. In similar groups, the matter is being debated too.

In one such group, members said once they build houses in Zimbabwe and secure their future through investments and savings, they will return. But for now, they are staying away until the pay increases and working conditions improve.

The group’s members have other complaints. The list of patients at British public hospitals are longer than back in Zimbabwe. For instance, waiting times for general practitioner appointments often take three to six months. Some said they are still finding it tough adapting to the weather. Others feel homesick and crave the communality and social life back in Zimbabwe.

Some nurses also said they need a second job to get by. While they earn more, their bills have increased. But the skilled worker visa allows them to work only 20 extra hours at a second job, Mafukidze said, so finding one is tough.

Back in Zimbabwe, there are calls for them to start returning home to help rebuild.

Professor Solwayo Ngwenya, clinical director at Mpilo Hospital in Zimbabwe’s second-largest city, Bulawayo, once worked in the UK’s National Health Service. Six years after leaving for the UK, he retraced his footsteps and set up the 30-bed hospital he now heads.

“I had always wanted to return home, where I always felt I would do well and treat the local population. … I returned home in 2006 since I had accomplished what I had set out to achieve and for personal reasons,” he said.

He attributes his later achievements in life to returning to home soil and believes “home could be the best”.

Mafukidze is convinced that he and some of his peers abroad will return to Zimbabwe one day to help their compatriots.

“I know these people need me,” he said.

N.B. All dollar figures are in US dollars due to hyperinflation and the rapidly changing value of the Zimbabwe dollar.

Check out our Latest News and Follow us at Facebook

Original Source

How counsellor-grandmothers of Zimbabwe are averting a mental health crisis | Mental Health

Harare, Zimbabwe – In Zimbabwe, a country of 15 million people, there are fewer than 20 psychiatrists.

And mental health issues are rife, given a litany of trauma unaddressed for decades: first the horrors of British colonialism and the liberation struggle and then the Zimbabwean army’s killing of thousands of people in the southwestern region of Matabeleland for allegedly supporting ex-guerrillas who turned on the government after independence.

Even today, the impact of socioeconomic hardships resulting from a faltering economy, high unemployment and the highest inflation rate in the world along with an ailing healthcare system have made the Southern African country fertile ground for depression, post-traumatic stress disorder, domestic violence and suicide.

According to the World Health Organization (WHO), Zimbabwe has one of the highest suicide rates in Africa.

Consequently, most people living with mental health issues, especially those who cannot afford the steep psychiatrist fees, do not get any help.

It is against this backdrop that psychiatrist Dr Dixon Chibanda came up with the idea of training lay health workers to counsel those struggling with mental health problems.

Two unrelated, tragic events prodded him into action. The first was the 2004 suicide of Erica, a patient he had been treating for three years, after she failed to raise the bus fare to travel to Harare for a follow-up session at the government hospital where he worked. The fare was less than $20.

”I was stunned, heartbroken and felt guilty when her mother called me to say she had taken her own life,” Chibanda says.

A few months later, the government razed tens of thousands of unauthorised residential properties across the country. The exercise, called Murambatsvina, or Reject the Filth, created at least 700,000 homeless people. This inevitably led to an increase in the number of people in need of mental health support.

After the much-criticized home demolitions, described by the United Nations as a violation of international law, the authorities decided there was a need for some psychological intervention.

“But there was no money or trained personnel to implement a programme. Nurses and doctors in any primary health facility are always overworked,” an exasperated Chibanda says.

A grandmother sits with a male patient during a Friendship Bench session [Ish Mafundikwa/Al Jazeera]

The rise of the grandmothers

The only people available were elderly female community health workers at Harare City Council clinics who were unskilled for psychosocial work. So Chibanda worked with the Ministry of Health and Child Care and the University of Zimbabwe to develop a pilot programme in 2006 that trained 14 lay health workers, popularly referred to as grandmothers, in evidence-based problem-solving therapy. The grandmothers on average are 50 years of age.

“Grandmothers are rooted in communities, and they are the custodians of our culture and wisdom and already play a pivotal role in problem-solving in communities,” Chibanda says. Grandfathers have signed up as counsellors too, but he says they lack the commitment of the grandmothers. “They are unreliable and often leave because they have to get jobs or do other things.”

The training aimed to enhance the grandmothers’ listening skills, empathy and abilities to help patients gain the confidence to find solutions to their problems. It equipped them with the tools to counsel patients with common mental health disorders such as depression and anxiety. Those with more severe problems are referred to mental health professionals.

The initiative became known as The Friendship Bench because the counselling happens on made-for-purpose benches.

One of the thousands of people who have benefitted from The Friendship Bench is Blessing (not her real name), a 45-year-old mother of two who started going to the bench in 2018.

“I was down because my husband, who had relocated to South Africa to find a job, had taken another wife and had stopped sending money home,” she says. She is also HIV-positive. “I was reluctant to engage the grandmother who approached me when I went to the local clinic for treatment because I feared they would spread the word that I was on antiretrovirals.”

“But I felt better after three sessions. They pointed me in the right direction. The grannies are now my friends.”

Some of the HelpAge USA counsellors working on a similar Friendship Bench initiative [Courtesy of HelpAge USA]

How it works

The grandmothers make it clear to whomever they are counselling that The Friendship Bench does not give cash handouts. What they do is discuss possible solutions with their clients. ”Sometimes the solution is as easy as getting a loan from a relative or a friend, but because the client feels overwhelmed, they cannot think about those options,” says grandmother Ngabu, who counselled Blessing.

She says it usually takes three or four sessions for a client to start to see some light.

Blessing had a vending hustle going, but it was not making much money because she did not have the capital to order enough stock. That changed when 59-year-old Ngabu encouraged her to join a savings club in which women get together and save an agreed amount every week or month, and one of them gets paid out every month or week.

“My business has grown, and I make enough to send my children to school,” Blessing tells Al Jazeera. “The oldest, a 22-year-old young man, finished high school and is now a plumbing apprentice. The girl, now 18, is in her final year of high school and wants to be a lawyer.”

Her husband has stopped communicating with the family, but Blessing is not bothered, “My biggest worry was educating my children,” she says, “I am managing that, and we are happy.”

Like many others in Zimbabwe, Blessing was unaware that she was suffering from depression. “I feared I was going insane,” she says.

The Friendship Bench grandmother who approached her was trained to identify patients who came to the clinic with other ailments but also had mental health issues. The minute Blessing trusted the grandmother, she went through a process several others had gone through and are still going through.

“ I was invited to sit on a bench on the clinic grounds with grandmother Ngabu, who told me that what we discussed was confidential,” she recollects. “She then asked me a list of questions.”

The questions are on a form called the 14-point symptoms questionnaire. How patients answer determines the level of mental health problems they are experiencing. If they are suicidal or have a severe mental illness, they are referred to a more experienced grandmother, a clinical psychologist or a psychiatrist.

A six-month randomized clinical trial by local and international mental health professionals in 2014 and 2015 gave the initiative a thumbs-up. In a Journal of the American Medical Association report, they concluded: “The use of lay health workers in resource-poor countries like Zimbabwe may be effective primary care-based management of common mental disorders.”

From local need to global need

That seal of approval has seen The Friendship Bench replicated in African countries such as Tanzania, Malawi, Kenya and Botswana with Zambia and Rwanda next. A digital version of Friendship Bench is also currently used in parts of North Africa.

The Friendship Bench has also been replicated in a few resource-rich countries, dispelling the myth that it is only for poor countries. It has also turned the widespread belief that ideas and innovations migrate only from the Global North to the Global South on its head.

Chibanda is still coming to terms with how it has gone global: “The idea was to respond to a local need. Little did I know that what we were responding to was a global need.”

HelpAge USA, an international nonprofit that champions the welfare of older people in more than 80 countries, is piloting The Friendship Bench in Washington, DC, in early 2024. Cindy Cox-Roman, the organization’s chief executive, tells Al Jazeera that the intervention transcends countries. “It’s really about human connection. We have a mental health crisis in the US that manifests itself in many different ways, and it cuts across income and ethnicity. It affects everyone.”

HelpAge’s US Friendship Bench echoes the original version of the programme in Zimbabwe. It started by training 20 older people, 17 of whom are women. “This group of elderly people is interested in doing something about mental health in DC. It’s all about how people can support others struggling with difficult thoughts and feelings,” Cox-Roman says.

She says that while there may be more trained mental health professionals in the United States, more are needed. “Someone may seek professional mental health support but then have to wait for three months to see a professional.” She hopes The Friendship Bench will provide quick access to those who need help.

The volunteer counsellors in Washington, DC, are all Black and will work in their communities. “There are fewer resources in the Black community, and there is also stigma that cuts across race, ethnicity, income, etc. Part of what we want to do is tackle that stigma by normalizing mental health struggles,” Cox-Roman says.

Unlike in Zimbabwe, though, the benches in Washington will be in places such as libraries and places of worship because, according to Cox-Roman, “The safety of our older volunteers is of paramount importance to us. We don’t want to expose them to unnecessary danger.”

The one-year pilot will look at the feasibility and acceptability of the project, after which it will be evaluated and tweaked according to local needs.

During the mayorship of Bill de Blasio in New York City, it was piloted in the Bronx and Harlem with more than 60,000 people receiving therapy. The experiment petered out because of a lack of funding after de Blasio left office two years ago.

In Jamaica, Robert Dunn, a Netherlands-based psychotherapist, has, with the University of the West Indies in Kingston, carried out preliminary work to establish The Friendship Bench on the island. Jordan and Vietnam have also successfully replicated the initiative, Chibanda tells Al Jazeera.

In another vote of confidence, the WHO and Qatar got together to install 32 benches representing each of the participating countries during the 2022 World Cup. They were set up across Doha and outside tournament stadiums.

At the time, WHO Director-General Tedros Adhanom Ghebreyesus spoke highly of The Friendship Bench project: “The bench is a simple yet powerful vehicle for promoting mental health, from park benches to football stadiums.”

Chibanda says no actual counselling took place on the 32 benches. “It was not really therapy as such, just showcasing the bench and demystifying mental health,” the doctor says.

And while he welcomes replication of the bench, he says some cut corners and create their own knockoffs. Some don’t acknowledge where the idea came from.

“They take on the model and present it as something they have conceptualized. That raises questions about fidelity – how do we know they are doing the right thing?” Even worse, he says, in some places, people are being charged for the services. “ It was never my idea to charge people for sitting on the bench.”

Dr Dixon Chibanda accepts the 2023 McNulty Prize for ‘revolutionizing mental healthcare by bringing therapy directly to communities via trained grandmothers’ [Courtesy of Aspen Institute/Jared Sisken]

An expanding initiative

While the plaudits of fellow mental health professionals matter, the programme’s success has also attracted the attention of philanthropists who have donated substantial sums of money to what started as a self-funded project by Chibanda.

In 2022, MacKenzie Scott, Amazon founder Jeff Bezos’s ex-wife, gave The Friendship Bench $2m. Last year, it was one of three organizations that shared the $450,000 McNulty Foundation and Aspen Institute’s John P McNulty Prize.

A Zimbabwean couple who now lives in Australia also donated a house in suburban Harare.

Chibanda is excited about the prospects for the place. “That property is worth at least around $2m. We want to convert it into a therapeutic village where the community can come for spiritual healing, practice yoga and meditate. We also intend to have a library there.”

Chibanda says others who want no publicity have also made substantial donations.

The funds have enabled The Friendship Bench to grow from an annual budget of $30,000 to $6m over the past five years.

It now employs more than 50 full-time employees and about 3,000 counsellors who have helped more than 300,000 people across Zimbabwe, and the benches are not limited to just clinics any more.

The grandmothers, who started as unpaid volunteers, now get a $25 monthly allowance, stationary and bicycles, particularly those in rural areas. Some also get a smartphone because counselling can now also be done on WhatsApp. This innovation proved popular during the COVID-19 pandemic.

The success of The Friendship Bench has also led to Chibanda becoming a respected and in-demand authority on mental health globally. The 56-year-old, Slovakia-trained doctor has spoken at international forums, including the World Economic Forum in Davos, Switzerland, and the UN General Assembly.

Besides being CEO of The Friendship Bench, he still works at a local referral hospital, runs his practice, and teaches at the University of Zimbabwe and the London School of Hygiene and Tropical Health.

The Friendship Bench has grown phenomenally over the past 17 years, and Chibanda has plans to make it an integral part of healthcare in Zimbabwe. He is working with the Health Ministry to do that.

“We believe that ultimately The Friendship Bench should become a government programme, so we are strengthening systems and structures within the ministry to ensure that it is integrated and becomes part and parcel of the work that government does.”

Check out our Latest News and Follow us at Facebook

Original Source

Eleven miners trapped after collapse of Zimbabwe mine | News

Mine accidents are not uncommon in Zimbabwe where disused mines often attract young unemployed men.

Eleven subsistence mine workers are trapped in an underground shaft after a ground collapse at Zimbabwe’s Redwing Mine, 270 km (167.77 miles) west of the capital Harare, authorities said on Friday.

The incident took place on Thursday morning, with initial assessments pointing to earth tremors as the possible cause of the accident, Zimbabwe’s mines ministry said in a statement.

Metallon Corporation, which owns Redwing Mine, confirmed the incident in a separate statement. The company has deployed a rescue team to bring the trapped miners back to the surface, it added.

“The team has made several rescue attempts. However, the ground remains unstable, rendering rescue operations unsafe. Our teams are diligently assessing ground conditions to make sure the rescue operations proceed safely as soon as possible,” Metallon said.

Mining operations at Redwing have been undertaken by subsistence miners carrying out unsanctioned work since the mine was placed under corporate rescue in 2020, the company said.

Mine accidents are not uncommon in Zimbabwe.

For years, many unemployed young men in Zimbabwe’s gold-rich areas have earned a living by working in unregulated mines with little to no safety procedures. At least nine people died in September after the collapse of Bay Horse Mine, a disused gold mine in Chegutu, about 110km (70 miles) west of Zimbabwe’s capital, Harare.

Check out our Latest News and Follow us at Facebook

Original Source

In Zimbabwe, a small publisher that helped launch big voices shuts down | Arts and Culture

Harare, Zimbabwe – In 2006, a small but supportive publisher helped Zimbabwean author Valerie Tagwira make the transition from doctor to published author, picking up her first novel, The Uncertainty of Hope.

Then based in the United Kingdom, Tagwira had sent out her manuscript to UK and Australian publishers and received 13 rejections. Two years after it was published by Weaver Press, it won one of Zimbabwe’s National Arts Merit Awards, the country’s highest recognition in arts and culture.

Today, she remains grateful to that publisher, Weaver Press.

“When nobody else would, Weaver Press gave a voice to the stories that I felt compelled to tell as a novice writer,” Tagwira told Al Jazeera, paying tribute to Irene Staunton, the publishing house’s publisher and editor. “Irene’s patience and expertise as an editor inspired me and brought to fruition my long-held dream of becoming a published writer.”

But now, after a quarter of a century of operation, the Harare-based independent publisher will close its doors at the end of this year, signalling a bleaker literary landscape for the southern African nation.

Weaver Press is based in Emerald Hill in northern Harare, a previously whites-only suburb in the colonial era, hardly an obvious setting for the country’s most vibrant and diverse publishing house.

But since 1998 when it was co-founded by Staunton and her husband Murray McCartney who has served as its director, it has hoisted the voices of up to 80 fiction and over 100 nonfiction writers from Zimbabwe. The house has had interns over the years and, for a short while, a fully-fledged employee, but has been mostly run by the duo.

On December 7, a 25th-anniversary gathering brought together some of its authors and the country’s literary luminaries – authors Shimmer Chinodya, Petina Gappah, and Chiedza Musengezi; the poet and retired university lecturer Musaemura Zimunya; former education minister and memoirist Fay Chung; and retired priest and writer David Harold-Barry.

The birthday bash was also a funeral even if that was left unsaid at the gathering.

“Weaver Press will go dormant at the end of the year,” Staunton said in an interview at their home-cum-office, using a euphemism for the imminent shutdown.

Of the anomaly of a death notice at a birthday party, her husband added: “It seems a little strange but it’s true. Much has changed over the years. We aren’t able to survive just from book sales…we get more revenue from freelance editing work. And that doesn’t need to be Weaver Press.”

Zimbabwean writers Musaemura Zimunya (left) and Petina Gappah (right) read the Shona version of Gappah’s short story, The Mupandawana Dancing Champion, at the 25th-anniversary celebration of Weaver Press at the Zimbabwean German Society in Harare [Cynthia Matonhodze/Al Jazeera]

Surviving Zimbabwe

When the husband-and-wife team founded Weaver Press, the country was about to go into a sociopolitical, and economic, meltdown triggered in part by former ruler Robert Mugabe’s decision to seize white-owned farms.

A hyperinflationary environment ensued, making it impossible for most businesses, let alone a publishing house, to survive. They made do by working on a project-by-project basis. “For the first few years we were more like an NGO than a publisher in that we tried to find funding for projects to get us off the ground because we ourselves didn’t have any capital except our time,” explained Staunton, whose own publishing career goes back some four decades.

Staunton, perhaps Zimbabwe’s foremost editor, was editor and co-founder of Baobab Books, the now-defunct publisher of prizewinning works by the late novelists Yvonne Vera and Chenjerai Hove, and the posthumous works of legendary writer Dambudzo Marechera.

“In the last twenty years,” said Staunton, “the publishing scene has changed dramatically. Nowadays a great many people are self-publishing, and our best writers are being published outside the country for obvious reasons. They get much better advances, royalties, promotion, [and] they achieve an international reputation. If I was them, I would just do the same.”

In the last decade, a new crop of Zimbabwean writers has emerged, more popular abroad than at home. Among that cohort is Noviolet Bulawayo whose two novels Glory and We Need New Names, were both shortlisted for the Booker Prize. Weaver Press first published Bulawayo’s Caine Prize-winning story that morphed into We Need New Names.

The publishing and reading culture of the 1980s, which partly helped Zimbabwe earn the bragging rights to being one of Africa’s most educated nations, has long since ended: Most schools don’t have libraries, less and less students are taking literature as a subject in schools, while government subsidies that made it possible for most schools to buy textbooks and novels have long vanished. Added to that, illegal photocopying of books has hit pandemic proportions in the country, making it impossible to have a viable publishing industry.

Staunton recalled that when she was at Baobab Books, in the 1990s, if one of their titles was a set book on the school curriculum, they could sell as many as 250,000 books. By way of comparison, when Weaver Press author Shimmer Chinodya’s novel Tale of Tamari was once on the school syllabus between 2018 and 2022, it took them four years to sell just 2000 copies.

Zimbabwean dramatic arts practitioner Zaza Muchemwa reads an excerpt from writer Valerie Tagwira’s Trapped [Cynthia Matonhodze/Al Jazeera]

Weaver’s weaknesses

Yet it’s not only the challenging political climate and economic situation – whose nadir was inflation rates of 80 billion percent – made it impossible for them to continue. And that is a point McCartney conceded: “Weaver Press has never been particularly good at marketing and publicity. I will concede that. That’s not our strength.”

It was a point echoed by South Africa-based Zimbabwean writer Farai Mudzingwa, whose short fiction was first published by Weaver Press in 2014 and who told Al Jazeera that he remains grateful for the part the publishing house has played in his writing career.

“Weaver Press appeared resolute on moribund local print publishing within Zimbabwe, with no financial incentive for the writers, but my focus was set on international sales, beyond Zimbabwe and the continent, and with an eye on foreign language translation, film, audio and other extended rights and formats,” he said.

Mudzingwa’s debut novel Avenues by Train has just come out through the Nigerian publisher Bibi Bakare-Yusuf’s company, Cassava Republic Press.

Whatever the publishing couple’s faults, Weaver Press’s exemplary role in shaping Zimbabwe’s 21st-century publishing landscape has been undeniable.

Some of their notable publications include teacher-politician Fay Chung’s important war memoir Re-Living the Second Chimurenga, the late war veteran Dzinashe Machingura’s authoritative autobiography Memories of a Freedom Fighter and numerous short story collections.

Zimbabwean author Shimmer Chinodya gestures while talking to former Zimbabwe education minister Fay Chung at the 25th-anniversary celebrations of Weaver Press held at the Zimbabwe German Society in Harare [Cynthia Matonhodze/Al Jazeera]

Yvonne Vera’s novel, The Stone Virgins, won the 2002 Macmillan Writers’ Prize for Africa. Brian Chikwava’s short story, Seventh Street Alchemy, winner of the Caine Prize for African Writing in 2004, first came out in a Weaver short story collection. Two of the stories in Petina Gappah’s 2009 Guardian First Book Award-winning collection, An Elegy for Easterly, were also first published in Weaver short story anthologies.

Meanwhile, Tagwira has since relocated to neighbouring Namibia, where she works as an obstetrician-gynecologist.

With Weaver Press now dormant, chances are that the next novel by Tagwira who published two under them, will be published in South Africa. It is a win for that country and will probably bring financial reward to Tagwira, but is surely a loss for Zimbabwe’s publishing culture.

Check out our Latest News and Follow us at Facebook

Original Source

Exit mobile version