China fears spark Indian race for cobalt in contested ocean waters | Mining News

India is scrambling to secure rights to explore a cobalt-rich underwater mountain in the middle of the Indian Ocean but its bid has come up against competing claims at a time when Sri Lanka, too, is looking to mine the region for precious minerals.

The urgency behind India’s application comes from fears over China’s presence in the Indian Ocean, at a time when the world’s second-largest economy already dominates the global cobalt supply chain, Indian officials and analysts told Al Jazeera.

Cobalt is a critical mineral widely used in electric vehicles and batteries and is seen as a vital element in the green energy transition.

In January, India had approached the Jamaica-based International Seabed Authority, seeking approval to explore the cobalt-rich Afanasy Nikitin Seamount, which is in the central Indian Ocean, east of the Maldives and about 1,350 km (850 miles) from the Indian coast. Formed in 1994, the ISA is an autonomous international organisation mandated by the United Nations Convention on the Law of the Sea to regulate economic activity on the seabed.

India also paid a $500,000 fee to the ISA to consider its application, in which it spelled out its desire to conduct extensive geophysical, geological, biological, oceanographic and environmental studies in the proposed area over 15 years. The seamount consists of 150 blocks spread over 3,000sq km (1,158 sq miles).

But while evaluating India’s application, the ISA found that Afanasy Nikitin Seamount lies entirely within an area also claimed by another country as lying within the boundaries of its continental shelf, according to a note shared by the organisation with Al Jazeera. Though the ISA did not name this other country in its response to India, experts believe Sri Lanka is the nation the seabed authority was referring to. A country’s continental shelf is the edge of its landmass beneath the ocean.

According to a note shared by the ISA with Al Jazeera, the seabed authority sought a response from India to its finding of the competing territorial claims. But on March 12, India said it would not be able to respond in time for the ISA to consider its comments during the ISA’s 29th Session of the Legal and Technical Commission, which is considering the application.

As a result, the ISA note states that India’s application has been “put on hold”. The ISA is expected to review the application again once India responds.

(Al Jazeera)

Sri Lanka’s claim

Usually, a country’s continental shelf extends up to 200 nautical miles (370km) from its shore, marking out an exclusive economic zone which only that nation can exploit for economic purposes, even though ships of other countries can pass through unimpeded.

But coastal nations can appeal to the United Nations Commission on the Limits of the Continental Shelf (CLCS) arguing that the outer limits of their continental shelves extend beyond 200 nautical miles.

That is what Sri Lanka did in 2009, applying for an extension of the limits of its continental shelf from 200 nautical miles to a much larger area. The CLCS is yet to decide on Sri Lanka’s claim but if it is accepted, the Afanasy Nikitin Seamount would fall within Sri Lanka’s nautical boundaries.

The CLCS, which is tasked with examining claims by nations to extended continental shelf boundaries, has in the past accepted such requests: Pakistan, Australia and Norway have rights over maritime territories that stretch beyond 200 nautical miles from their shores, for instance.

In 2010, India responded to Sri Lanka’s submission before the CLCS, without objecting to its smaller neighbour’s claims. But in 2022, it changed its position to argue that Sri Lanka’s claims would harm India’s interests. India requested the commission not to “consider and qualify” the submission made by Sri Lanka.

Al Jazeera sought comments from the governments of India and Sri Lanka on their competing claims, but has not received any response.

Chinese presence

But it is not Sri Lanka that New Delhi is most concerned about, say analysts.

A senior maritime law expert said that India’s move appears to be driven more by a desire to establish a foothold in the area to deter any Chinese presence than by any immediate exploration aims.

“India’s claim is not aimed at starting exploration immediately but at establishing its presence and stake before China enters the picture,” said the maritime expert, who is now a senior official in the Indian judiciary, and requested anonymity because of his position.

According to the ISA, China, Germany and South Korea currently have contracts for deep-sea exploration in different parts of the Indian Ocean.

Nikhilesh Nedumgattunmal, an assistant professor of maritime law at Dr Ambedkar Law University in Chennai, India, said the location of the Afanasy Nikitin Seamount – far outside the exclusive economic zones of any country – made India’s case before the ISA strong. “India has the right to seek exploration permission from the ISA,” he told Al Jazeera.

What’s at stake?

KV Thomas, a retired scientist from the National Centre for Earth Science Studies in Thiruvananthapuram, India, echoed the assessment of the senior judiciary official on China being a key factor behind India’s decision.

Thomas said that India’s deep-sea mining initiatives are at a nascent stage. Yet, in recent years, the country has demonstrated its ambition.

In 2021, it launched a Deep Ocean Mission to explore deep sea resources, with an allocation of $500m for a five-year period.

In 2023, the Indian government said that under the Deep Ocean Mission, it was developing a crewed deep sea mining submersible, which would carry out “exploratory mining of polymetallic nodules from the sea bed”. Polymetallic nodules, also called manganese nodules, are rock concretions that serve as vital sources of critical minerals, including cobalt.

At the moment, China controls 70 percent of the world’s cobalt and 60 percent of its lithium and manganese – other critical minerals – according to the International Renewable Energy Agency. But India, which has set a deadline of 2070 to get to net-zero emissions, needs access to these minerals to fuel its clean energy economy.

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India vs Pakistan, ‘nagin dance’, Ashes : A look at cricket’s top rivalries | ICC Men’s T20 World Cup News

Some of the most thrilling encounters in sport have been between nations or athletes with historic rivalries that add an extra layer of anticipation and drama.

In cricket, these rivalries range from sour relations stemming from decades-old conflicts to colonial history and some newly-formed bitterness.

The ICC T20 World Cup will highlight some of these top rivalries as in the tournament’s group stage and, perhaps, the Super Eights.

Here is a look at some of the most thrilling match-ups in the history of the game:

India vs Pakistan

The clash that has been the biggest, quickest-selling and most anticipated match of every multilateral cricket tournament.

The rivalry originated in 1947 when India was partitioned into two countries following British colonial rule. Pakistan and India have since fought three wars, and diplomatic ties between both countries have mostly remained bitter.

On the cricket field, the head-to-head record favours Pakistan in Test matches (12-9) and one-day internationals (73-56) while India have the upper hand in T20 matches (8-3).

When it comes to World Cup history, the scale is heavily tilted in India’s favour. Pakistan have never beaten India in the ICC ODI World Cup in their eight meetings and have only won once in their seven encounters in the T20 World Cup.

Their last clash, at the Cricket World Cup on October 14, went India’s way again as romped to a seven-wicket win at biggest cricket stadium in Ahmedabad.

The South Asian rivals will meet at New York’s newly-built Nassau County Stadium on Saturday, June 9 in front of a sell-out crowd of at least 34,000.

 

India’s Virat Kohli shakes hands with Pakistan’s Shadab Khan following the T20 World Cup cricket match between India and Pakistan in Melbourne, Australia on October 23, 2022 [File: Asanka Brendon Ratnayake/AP Photo]

Australia vs England

The oldest rivalry in the game – dating back to the 1800s – originated when a British newspaper famously wrote a condescending and racist article on Australia’s cricket team.

It was set in stone when, in 1882, British tabloid The Sporting Times published a mock obituary of English cricket following their Test team’s defeat to their trans-continental rivals, saying “the body [of English cricket] will be cremated and the ashes taken to Australia”.

The bitterness originated from Test cricket and comes to the fore during the Ashes Test series, but has carried on to all sporting encounters between both countries.

In Cricket World Cup history, both teams have met on nine occasions. Australia have won six of those matches and England three.

England’s first T20 World Cup title also came at Australia’s expense, when they won the 2010 final in the West Indies. Their second one was won in Australia, when they beat Pakistan to lift the title.

The T20 Cup 2024 edition of Australia vs England is set for June 8 at Barbados.

England’s captain Eoin Morgan, left, celebrates with teammate Joe Root after winning the Cricket World Cup semifinal match against Australia on July 11, 2019 [File: Rui Vieira/AP Photo]

Bangladesh vs Sri Lanka

It started with a dance, specifically the “nagin dance”, in 2018.

Bangladesh bowler Nazmul Islam had been doing the nagin (cobra in Hindi) dance to celebrate his wickets for some time, so when his side beat Sri Lanka in the T20 series in January 2018, he pulled it out again for all four of his wickets.

Sri Lanka’s Danushka Gunathilaka did not take kindly to the serpentine celebration and did his own version to mock Islam when he dismissed two of Bangladesh’s batters.

A few months later, the celebration gained traction during the triangular Nidahas trophy, which also included India. When Bangladesh recorded their second win against hosts Sri Lanka, their entire team broke out into an overzealous “nagin dance” celebration on the pitch.

The night ended with shattered glass in the visiting team’s dressing room and nothing has changed since.

Every time both teams meet, there is no shortage of provocative placards in the stands and venomous celebrations on the field.

In ODI cricket, Sri Lanka have won 42 of their 53 ODI meetings between both countries, while Bangladesh have won nine. They also hold the upper hand in the ODI World Cup, four wins in five matches.

Sri Lanka have beaten Bangladesh twice in their T20 World Cup meetings, but the Bengal Tigers tamed the Lankan Lions with a two-wicket win in a thrilling match at the 2024 edition in Dallas.

Bangladesh’s team members perform the ‘nagin dance’ as they celebrate their team’s victory over Sri Lanka in the Nidahas triangular series on March 16, 2018 [File: Eranga Jayawardena/AP Photo]

Afghanistan vs Pakistan

Afghanistan and Pakistan have been involved in a complicated geopolitical and cultural relationship for several decades and share a porous border that is often subject to violence and abrupt closures.

The political tensions have translated into a fierce on-field rivalry, especially over the past few years as Afghanistan have swiftly built a reputation as world beaters.

Several members of the early Afghan cricket team, including former captains Gulbadin Naib and Mohammed Nabi, picked up the sport while living in Pakistan as refugees during the decades of war and turmoil in their home country.

Pakistan’s National Cricket Academy in Lahore hosted the players for training sessions. Some of the earliest coaches of the Afghan team also came from Pakistan.

However, the historical tension between the countries has often come to the fore when the teams have met in recent years. Although Pakistan hold a 7-1 lead over their neighbours in ODI cricket and a 4-2 lead in T20 internationals, some recent matches have seen last-ball finishes that have gone Pakistan’s way.

Fast bowler Naseem Shah has been a consistent thorn in the Afghan side by twice taking Pakistan home when a loss seemed certain.

This mix of history and last-ball finishes has ended up igniting a fire in both sets of fans. Things got particularly ugly when Afghan fans vandalised the stadium and threw chairs at their Pakistani counterparts after losing a thrilling match in the 2022 Asia Cup. This came after tempers flared on the pitch when Pakistani batter Asif Ali angrily waved his bat at Afghan bowler Fareed Ahmad.

The Afghans famously beat Pakistan at the ODI World Cup in India in November, sparking wild celebrations on the field and back home in Afghanistan.

Both sides could meet in the Super Eight stage of the T20 World Cup, should they manage to qualify.

Afghanistan’s Fareed Ahmad, left, and Pakistan’s Asif Ali, right, react after Ali was dismissed by Ahmad during an Asia Cup match in Sharjah, United Arab Emirates, on September 7, 2022 [File: Anjum Naveed/AP Photo]

Australia vs India

While these two of the sport’s “big three” have been playing against each other since the 1940s, the contest picked up traction in the 1980s and became a full-on rivalry in the 2000s.

Most of the heated exchanges and thrilling encounters have taken place in Test cricket’s Border-Gavaskar Trophy, especially since the famous Eden Gardens Test match in 2001 that saw India come back from a follow-on to win the match by two wickets.

A heated exchange between Indian spinner Harbhajan Singh and Australian all-rounder Andrew Symonds led to the famous “monkeygate” scandal, which saw Singh get banned and then unbanned during the series.

India’s Yuvraj Singh celebrates as Australia’s Brett Lee walks by after India won their Cricket World Cup 2011 quarterfinal match in Ahmedabad on March 24, 2011 [File: Reuters]

In the Cricket World Cup, both teams have met in the knock-out stages of the tournament in recent years.

In 2011, India famously beat Australia by five wickets in a closely-contested quarterfinal to win the World Cup at home.

Australia returned the favour four years later when they eased to a 95-run win in Sydney and went on to lift their World Cup fifth title.Both teams opened their 2023 campaign against each other in a thrilling tie on Sunday in Chennai, which India won by six wickets after a rocky start to their run chase.

The overall ODI record of 150 matches still favours Australia, with 83 wins compared with India’s 50. The five-time champions have also won in eight of their 13 meetings in the Cricket World Cup and India have won five.

In T20Is, India have won 19 of their 31 meetings and Australia have won 11.

The two sides could meet in the Super Eights of the T20 World Cup 2024, should they qualify.



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Sri Lanka vs Bangladesh at T20 World Cup: Form, head-to-head, team news | ICC Men’s T20 World Cup News

Who: Sri Lanka vs Bangladesh
What: ICC Men’s T20 World Cup 2024 Group D match
When: Friday, June 7, 7:30pm local time (00:30 GMT)
Where: Grand Prairie Stadium, Dallas
How to follow: Al Jazeera will have live text coverage of the match from 21:30 GMT.

After a heavy defeat in their opening match against South Africa in New York, Sri Lanka will be desperate for redemption in Dallas, where they face familiar foes Bangladesh.

Sri Lanka were bowled out for 77 – their lowest total in T20 internationals – against South Africa’s pace attack on a tricky pitch, suffering a six-wicket defeat.

The result moved Sri Lanka to fourth place in Group D behind leaders South Africa, the Netherlands and Nepal, who have all played a match each. It also dented Sri Lanka’s net run rate, which stands at -1.048, and the island nation cannot afford to slip up again.

“We had a good chat with the boys and they have realised the mistakes they made,” Sri Lanka’s batting coach Thilina Kandambi told reporters on Thursday.

“They are experienced enough to come back in this game. We have spoken about it – a lot of things, how we are going to play up … I think boys are pretty much up for it.”

Bangladesh eye improved performance

Sri Lanka and Bangladesh share an inane rivalry. Over the past few years and competitions, players have mocked and sledged each other on the field, adding more spice and drama to this contest.

While Sri Lanka had a shaky start to the tournament, Bangladesh also have had a bad form in the shortest format this year.

Bangladesh lost comprehensively against title favourites India in the pre-tournament warm-up match and suffered a shock T20 series loss at the hands of a fairly inexperienced USA side before the World Cup.

However, Bangladesh captain Najmul Hossain Shanto insists they have put those losses behind them.

“It’s very true that the top-order batsmen didn’t do well or they are not doing well. But tomorrow is completely a new day,” Shanto told reporters.

“I think everyone is giving 100 percent in practice and if you talk about improvement, everyone is in a good condition.

“Everyone is in a better position than before. Without worrying much about what happened before, tomorrow is a new day, we don’t know who will play well or who will not.”

Shanto urged his players to “finish the game” once they get going.

“We are working hard. The batters have prepared themselves, if we can execute it, it will be a good match,” he concluded.

The result of Friday’s contest could play a big role in both sides’ odds of making out of the so-called group of death and qualifying for the Super Eight stage.

Sri Lanka won the title in 2014, while Bangladesh’s best finish has been reaching the second round.

Pitch and weather conditions

The Grand Prairie Stadium in Dallas has hosted three matches, all featuring varied results. The first match was high-scoring, the next was low-scoring, while the third was an upset as the USA beat Pakistan in a super over after both teams scored 159.

The pitch is still expected to be good for batting. The weather is forecast to be fair with no rain.

Head-to-head

Sri Lanka and Bangladesh have met 16 times in T20 internationals, with Sri Lanka winning 11 times.

Form

Sri Lanka lost by six wickets in their last World Cup encounter against South Africa. Before the tournament, they defeated Bangladesh 2-1 in a series in March and Afghanistan 2-1 in February.

Bangladesh lost 2-1 to the United States in a series just before the World Cup at the end of May, while they beat Zimbabwe 4-1 in a series earlier that month.

Sri Lanka: L W L W L
Bangladesh: W L L L W

Sri Lanka team news

Sri Lanka are likely to play Dushmantha Chameera in place of either Nuwan Thushara or Maheesh Theekshana, depending on conditions. Sri Lanka’s batting coach has said they will not make many changes from the team that lost last time.

Squad: Wanindu Hasaranga, Charith Asalanka, Kusal Mendis, Pathum Nissanka, Kamindu Mendis, Sadeera Samarawickrama, Angelo Mathews, Dasun Shanaka, Dhananjaya De Silva, Maheesh Theekshana, Dunith Wellalage, Dushmantha Chameera, Nuwan Thushara, Matheesha Pathirana, Dilshan Madushanka.

Bangladesh team news

Taskin Ahmed has returned after his hamstring injury, but Shoriful Islam, who injured his hand during the warm-up game against India, remains a concern.

Squad: Najmul Hossain Shanto, Taskin Ahmed, Litton Das, Soumya Sarkar, Tanzid Hasan Tamim, Shakib Al Hasan, Tawhid Hridoy, Mahmudullah Riyad, Jaker Ali Anik, Tanvir Islam, Shak Mahedi Hasan, Rishad Hossain, Mustafizur Rahman, Shoriful Islam, Tanzim Hasan Sakib.

(Al Jazeera)

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USA vs Pakistan: What are the five biggest upsets in T20 World Cup history? | ICC Men’s T20 World Cup News

After USA record a historic win over Pakistan, Al Jazeera lists the five major upsets in the tournament’s history.

USA have pulled off one of the biggest upsets in cricket’s history by beating Pakistan in their T20 World Cup 2024 encounter in Dallas.

The win, which came in a super over after scores were tied after the regulation 20 overs, sent shockwaves through the cricket world and led many experts to believe that cricket may finally take off in the land of baseball.

Here are the top five upsets – in order of their shock value – in the 17-year history of the T20 World Cup:

1. USA beat Pakistan: 2024

The co-hosts had never played Pakistan in any format of the game before Thursday’s match. Ranked 12 places below the 2009 champions, the USA went into the match riding on the wave of their win over Canada in their opening match of the tournament. Pakistan entered the tournament on the back of a series loss against England.

Despite the contrasting forms, not many experts would have predicted a team of recently-turned-professional cricketers would turn the tables on one of cricket’s powerhouses.

USA’s squad comprises cricketers who played in India, Pakistan, West Indies, South Africa and New Zealand until a few years ago. The country’s cricket infrastructure is not among the best, and the World Cup is being staged in the United States by the International Cricket Council itself.

None of that had a say on the calm and professional demeanour of the team USA players as they pulled off the shock in Dallas to launch the biggest cricket party in the USA.

Players of the United States celebrate after their win [Tony Gutierrez/AP Photo]

2. Netherlands beat England: 2009

The first – and only – T20 World Cup opened at the home of cricket at London’s Lord’s Cricket Ground with hosts England taking on so-called minnows, the Netherlands.

It all seemed to be going nicely for England when they posted a score of 163, which was considered well above par in the early days of T20 cricket, and the Netherlands lost their first wicket in the first over. However, the Dutch consolidated in the middle overs and a 60-run partnership between Tom de Grooth and Peter Borren brought them a famous victory under the grey evening sky at Lord’s.

Edgar Schiferli of Netherlands, second right, celebrates winning the match after Stuart Broad missed the stumps during their ICC World Twenty20 Cup match at Lord’s Cricket Ground in London on June 5, 2009 [Ian Kington/AFP]

3. Nepal beat Afghanistan: 2014

Nepal were making their debut at the T20 World Cup and had already registered one win over Hong Kong. However, Afghanistan were a team on the rise with several squad members playing league cricket around the world.

The likes of Mohammad Shahzad, Najibullah Zadran, Mohammad Nabi and Asghar Afghan were in the playing XI that was dismissed nine runs short of the target set by Paras Khadka’s Nepal.

Nepalese cricketers celebrate after defeating Afghanistan by nine runs during their ICC Twenty20 Cricket World Cup match in Chittagong, Bangladesh, on March 20, 2014 [Bikas Das/AP Photo]

4. Namibia beat Sri Lanka: 2022

While Namibia had been around on the associate cricket circuit for many years, for them to beat the 2014 T20 champions and 1996 50-over World Cup winners was a mean feat.

The Africans posted a fighting total of 163 and then produced a stunning bowling display to rattle Sri Lanka. The island nation were dismissed for 108 in 19 overs to set off the celebrations for Namibia.

Namibia’s and Sri Lanka’s players shake hands after their T20 World Cup match in Geelong, Australia [Asanka Brendon Ratnayake/AP Photo]

5. Afghanistan beat West Indies: 2016

West Indies went into the 2016 tournament as one of the favourites, with T20 stars Dwayne Bravo, Andre Russell and Daren Sammy in their line-up.

Samuel Badree left their spin-bowling attack as they restricted Afghanistan to 123, but the Afghan spinners had plans of their own. Rashid Khan and Nabi took two wickets apiece to send the 2012 reeling as Afghanistan completed a famous six-wicket win.

The West Indies went on to lift the trophy a few days later, making Afghanistan’s feat all the more incredible.

Afghanistan’s cricketers celebrate their win over West Indies in the ICC World Twenty20 2016 in Nagpur, India [File: Saurabh Das/AP Photo]

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Who are the five young players to watch at the ICC T20 World Cup? | ICC Men’s T20 World Cup News

Al Jazeera picks cricket’s brightest young ones who could leave their mark on the T20 World Cup 2024 in the US and the West Indies.

The world’s biggest sporting events are known for shining the limelight on the superstars that rule the game, but they also serve as a platform to unearth the brightest young talent in sport.

There are a few cricketers who entered the ICC T20 World Cup as relative unknowns but left the experts and fans in awe of their skills and potential by the end of the tournament.

Think, Shakib al-Hasan and Mohammad Amir at the 2009 T20 World Cup, Virat Kohli at the 2012 edition and Wanindu Hasaranga in 2022.

Here’s Al Jazeera’s list of five young ones who could light up the 2024 edition of the tournament:

Yashasvi Jaiswal: India

Arguably India’s brightest young cricketer in the past year, Jaiswal has proved himself in the longest and shortest formats of the game. While the 23-year-old’s rags-to-riches story may have endeared him to fans, it is his batting and fearless approach towards the game that has put him in the limelight.

Within a year of making his T20 international debut, Jaiswal has scored more than 500 runs in 17 matches at an impressive average of 33.4 and a high strike rate of 161. He has even managed to score a T20I century to go with his four half-centuries.

The top-order batter is certain to open the innings for India with his experienced captain Rohit Sharma. And if India are to win a second T20 title that has eluded them in 17 years, a good portion of their runs may come off Jaiswal’s bat.

Yashasvi Jaiswal has hit 28 sixes in his T20 career [File: Siphiwe Sibeko/Reuters]

Saim Ayub: Pakistan

In a country known for pushing young players at the deep end, Saim’s introduction to international cricket came relatively late. The left-handed batter played his first T20I at the age of 21 last year, but has been unable to plant his feet firmly in the playing XI. This has partly been down to his form, as well as due to Pakistan’s reluctance to break the opening batters’ bond between Babar Azam and Mohammad Rizwan.

Saim goes into the T20 World Cup with plenty of experience of playing in the West Indies, where he won the T20 Caribbean Premier League 2023 with his franchise Guyana Amazon Warriors. Saim’s 52 was the highest individual score in the final and he ended the season second on the batting charts.

While the opener has not been able to replicate his success for his country, his ability to hit unconventional big shots, offer a possible left-right opening combination and experience of playing in the region could make him a standout performer for the 2009 champions.

Saim Ayub has a strong leg-side game [File: Anjum Naveed/AP]

Will Jacks: England

Jacks made his international debut for England in 2022 as an off-spinner but goes into the T20 World Cup better known for his big-hitting abilities, thanks to his recent success with the bat in the Indian Premier League.

The 25-year-old all-rounder averaged 33 at an impressive strike rate of 175 in his eight matches with Royal Challengers Bengaluru. He then followed it up with 57 runs in two matches in England’s recent T20 series against Pakistan.

Coming in to bat at the crucial one-down spot, Jacks will provide England stability and power-hitting options as they look to win a record third T20 World Cup.

Will Jacks will go into the T20 World Cup on the back of a good run in the IPL [File: Jason Cairnduff/Action Images via Reuters]

Matheesha Pathirana: Sri Lanka

Pathirana comes from the Lasith Malinga school of low-slingy fast bowling action and he has the guru’s backing.

“Matheesha, without any fears you can bring him in the last stages of an innings,” Malinga said in an interview with ESPNCricinfo. “His biggest weapons are his pace and his yorker but the biggest thing I see with Matheesha is his big heart.”

The 21-year-old has 28 wickets in his 18 international outings for Sri Lanka but his recent performance at the IPL has helped raise his stocks as well. Aside from his 13 wickets in six games, it is his low economy rate, average and strike rate that made him a standout performer.

The young gun could be Sri Lanka’s main weapon with the ball.

Matheesha Pathirana [File: KM Chaudary/AP]

Rishad Hossain: Bangladesh

Hossain is not so known in the international cricket arena but has quietly built a reputation as a miserly leg-spinning all-rounder who can get his side over the line with the bat too.

The tall leggie has taken 15 wickets in his 17 T20s, but at an economy rate of 7, which makes him a rare commodity in the big-hitting format of T20s.

The 21-year-old from Rangpur in northwestern Bangladesh could find plenty of assistance on the slow pitches in the Caribbean and may end up plotting Bangladesh’s path to the knockout stages of the tournament.

Rishad Hossain [File: Munir uz Zaman/AFP]

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Preview: Sri Lanka at the ICC Men’s T20 World Cup 2024 | ICC Men’s T20 World Cup News

Wanindu Hasaranga’s men can be hard to stop at the T20 World Cup if they start well and gain momentum.

Ten years on from their ICC T20 World Cup winning campaign led by an outgoing golden generation, Sri Lanka’s next crop of cricketers find themselves with a chance to write their names in history by bringing the country another trophy.

It was in 2014 that Sri Lankan legends Kumar Sangakkara, Mahela Jayawardene and Lasith Malinga turned the tables on favourites India to win the T20 World Cup final in Bangladesh.

Now, led by prolific all-rounder Wanindu Hasaranga, Sri Lanka may not be outright favourites, but former player Farveez Maharoof believes their recent form cannot be ignored going into the current T20 World Cup in the West Indies and United States.

“Sri Lanka have done marvellously to beat Bangladesh, Afghanistan, and Zimbabwe [in recent series],” Maharoof told Al Jazeera, before admitting that the country’s poor finishes in the last T20 World Cups “will be playing on the players’ minds”.

The island nation was once considered a powerhouse in the tournament’s history – and rightly so. They qualified for the final in 2009, semifinals in 2010 and home final in 2012, before lifting the trophy in 2014.

However, since that historic six-wicket win over India in April 2014, the Lankan Lions have failed to reach the knockout stages of the tournament.

(Al Jazeera)

‘Hard to stop them’

Hasaranga’s side will aim to resurrect themselves when their tournament campaign gets under way against South Africa on Monday in New York and Maharoof backs them to do well despite being drawn in a tough group.

Sri Lanka’s Group D – or so-called group of death – also includes South Africa, Bangladesh, the Netherlands and Nepal.

“Hasaranga has led from the front in pressure situations, which is a hallmark of a good leader,” Maharoof, who also played the role of an all-rounder, said of the current captain.

“I see Hasaranga as a positive and aggressive team man, and that’s exactly what you want in a T20 captain.”

The 26-year-old skipper took the reins of the side from Dasun Shanaka in December and has led Sri Lanka to five wins in seven matches. He will benefit from the presence of richly experienced all-rounder Angelo Mathews, who was a vital member of the 2014 title-winning side.

Maharoof believes Mathews’s “wealth of experience and many years of international cricket” are exactly what Hasaranga needs as a young leader.

“Hasaranga has surrounded himself with good players,” he said.

While Sri Lanka have named a spin-heavy squad, considering the crucial role of slower bowlers on the pitches in the US and West Indies, Maharoof sees them as a team that has all its bases covered.

He termed them the tournament’s “dark horses”.

“This Sri Lankan squad has what it takes to go all the way. T20 cricket is all about momentum and if the Sri Lankan team starts well and gains momentum [in the World Cup], it’ll be hard to stop them.”

(Al Jazeera)

Maharoof’s three Sri Lankan players to watch

Hasanranga: “The captain will be a very important player who can play a floater’s role in the batting order, providing them flexibility. With the ball, he will attack and try to take wickets in his four overs. If Hasaranga has a good World Cup, Sri Lanka will have a good World Cup.”

Kusal Mendis: “If he gets going at the top of the [batting] order, he can be brutal.”

Dushmantha Chameera: “Chameera has just won the Indian Premier League with Kolkata Knight Riders and his confidence will be very high. If he stays fit and gets the right rhythm, Chameera will be a bowler to watch.”

(Al Jazeera)

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‘Grim reminder’: Sri Lanka’s Tamils mark 15 years since end of civil war | Human Rights News

Ceremony held at memorial site in Mullivaikkal village despite reports of heavy surveillance and allegations of intimidation.

Sri Lanka’s minority Tamil community is marking 15 years since the end of the island nation’s civil war in an emotional ceremony that proceeded despite fears that authorities could prevent its staging.

Public events celebrating the Tamil Tigers separatist group, which fought a no-holds-barred battle to establish an ethnic minority homeland, are illegal and authorities have blocked past memorials.

Over the years, Sri Lankan authorities have repeatedly disrupted similar memorials in the island’s former war zones and arrested participants, but Saturday’s ceremony went ahead despite reports of heavy surveillance and allegations of intimidation.

Tamils say the events are held to remember all victims of the decades-long war, which concluded in 2009 after a military offensive in the last Tigers stronghold, that saw at least 40,000 civilians killed in its final months, according to estimates by the United Nations.

The operation was condemned internationally for the indiscriminate bombardment of civilians.

 

“Thousands died here the day before the war ended,” a 41-year-old Tamil village official, who asked not to be identified for fear of reprisal, told the AFP news agency at the memorial site in Mullivaikkal, on Saturday.

“There were lots of wounded people crying for help,” he added. “This will haunt me for the rest of my life.”

‘Collective failure’

Several thousand Tamils had travelled to the village for the remembrance, where they lit oil lamps to commemorate the dead.

This year, the commemoration was attended by Amnesty International’s global chief Agnes Callamard, the most senior foreign dignitary so far to attend a remembrance event in Sri Lanka’s battle-scarred north.

Amnesty International chief Agnes Callamard, third from right, attends a commemoration ceremony at Mullivaikkal village in northern Sri Lanka [Ishara S Kodikara/AFP]

The rights watchdog has for years pressed Sri Lankan authorities, who have repeatedly refused to permit an international inquiry into wartime atrocities, to properly investigate and prosecute those responsible for abuses.

“Today’s anniversary is a grim reminder of the collective failure of the Sri Lankan authorities and the international community to deliver justice to the many victims of Sri Lanka’s three-decade-long internal armed conflict,” Callamard said in a statement emailed to Al Jazeera.

“It is sobering to stand in the same place where, 15 years ago, countless civilian lives were lost during the last days of the war.”

Justin Trudeau, prime minister of Canada, which in 2022 voted to recognise May 18 as Tamil Genocide Remembrance Day, said on Saturday his country would “always advocate for justice and accountability for the crimes committed during the conflict”.

Tamil residents near the ceremony site told AFP that security forces had been noticeably more active in their communities as the anniversary neared.

“There is heavy surveillance of the people, and it is intimidation,” one Tamil resident said, asking not to be named for fear of harassment.

Saturday also marked 15 years since the killing of the Tamil Tigers’ charismatic but reclusive leader Velupillai Prabhakaran, who had led the separatist group in open rebellion against Sri Lankan forces since 1972.

His death in Mullivaikkal was the culmination of the lightning military offensive that killed thousands of civilians in the final months of the fighting.

Sri Lankan forces were accused of indiscriminately shelling civilians after telling them to move to “no fire zones” to clear the path of their assault.

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Sri Lanka’s killing fields cast a long shadow | Opinions

Today we mark the 15th anniversary of the bloody end of Sri Lanka’s three-decades-long civil war. This anniversary comes around at a critical historical juncture, amid the humanitarian catastrophe unleashed by Israel’s assault on Gaza.

The global response to Gaza, across many states, peoples and international institutions, shows that there is a strong will to uphold international norms on protecting civilians and a strong will to address the underlying political injustices of the conflict itself, rather than seeing it merely as a problem of security and terrorism. The international failure to translate this will into concrete action is appalling but sadly not unprecedented.

The state of Sri Lanka, 15 years after the end of the armed conflict there, shows what happens when mass atrocities are unaddressed and the political fault lines that led to them in the first place remain unresolved and are arguably exacerbated. There are also striking and unavoidable similarities between the events still unfolding in Gaza and those that took place in the Vanni, the area of northern Sri Lanka where the war ended.

In the final months of the conflict, the Sri Lankan military besieged and bombarded a civilian population of 330,000 along with an estimated 5,000 Tamil Tiger fighters, corralling them into ever thinner strips of land in the Vanni. The offensive was brutal and unconstrained. It destroyed and defeated the Tamil Tigers’ armed group LTTE but also made a raging bonfire out of international humanitarian law, the laws of war and basic norms of civilian protection.

The Sri Lankan military bombed and shelled food distribution centres, hospitals and civilian shelters even though it had received the precise coordinates of these from the United Nations and International Committee of the Red Cross. It ordered civilians into ever-shrinking “no-fire” zones that it would then relentlessly attack using unguided artillery shells and multi-barrelled rocket launchers, firing hundreds and sometimes thousands of shells a day.

The last of the no-fire zones was a mere 2-3 square kilometres and the death toll often reached 1,000 civilians a day, sometimes more. Sri Lanka also limited the supply of food and essential medicines including anaesthetics in moves calculated to compound and exacerbate the humanitarian distress.

Subsequent UN investigations concluded that the Sri Lankan military’s campaign amounted to the “persecution of the Vanni population”. At least 40,000 people were reported killed in the fighting, but some estimates based on population figures suggest the death toll could be as high as 169,000.

At the end of the war, the Sri Lankan authorities summarily executed LTTE cadres and others who surrendered and herded the remaining civilians into barbed wire-ringed internment camps, allegedly for “processing”. The government only released them after immense international pressure.

Sri Lanka justified its campaign as the only way to defeat “terrorism” and proclaimed its “victory” over the LTTE as a military model that other countries could follow. It has consistently and vehemently rejected international demands for meaningful accountability and has also refused to implement political changes that would ensure real political equality for the Tamils and address the root causes of the conflict.

Yet, Sri Lanka’s trajectory after 2009 shows that mass atrocities and the “victory” they secure entail consequences that rebound and not just for the Tamil population. After the war ended, Sri Lanka simply doubled down on its repression of Tamils.

The high-intensity bombardment turned into a suffocating and all-pervasive de facto military occupation that continues to this day. Five out of seven of the army’s regional commands are stationed in the northern and eastern provinces and in some districts, there is one soldier for every two civilians.

The military is also participating in the ongoing process of “Sinhalisation” and “Buddhisisation” of the northeast. Military personnel accompany Buddhist monks and Sinhala settlers as they violently seize Tamil lands and places of worship so that they can be converted into Sinhala ones.

Finally, military personnel exercise a constant surveillance of everyday Tamil social, cultural and political activities that has a chilling effect on everyday life and makes meaningless any talk of “reconciliation” or even a return to “normalcy”.

Yet Tamils in the former war zones and the now extensive diaspora have not been cowed into submission. They have worked to keep alive the struggle for justice and accountability. These efforts have kept Sri Lanka on the back foot internationally with repeated UN investigations and resolutions at the UN Human Rights Council. Sri Lankan officials also have to live with the ever-present danger of sanctions and possible prosecutions for their involvement in war crimes and crimes against humanity.

The war and its aftermath empowered the Rajapaksa family and their unvarnished form of Sinhala Buddhist nationalism. From 2005 until 2022, they dominated the Sinhala electorate, lauded as the leaders who had finally vanquished the Tamil separatists. Yet, their reckless and nepotistic approach to the economy and international politics brought financial ruin and increasing isolation.

Colombo sought to play off the geopolitical rivalries of India, China and Western states but this failed to secure any tangible material benefits and also could not avert the escalating debt crisis. In April 2022, Sri Lanka defaulted on its debt amid acute shortages of food, fuel and essential medicines. The outrage and roiling protests triggered by the economic meltdown ousted the last Rajapaksa president but Sri Lanka is yet to find a viable or stable post-Rajapaksa settlement.

Meanwhile, the same militarisation and repression used against Tamils are now being deployed against other communities. Sri Lanka has used “high security zones” extensively in the Tamil-speaking areas to confiscate land, displace civilians and militarise public space. This same tactic has now been deployed to restrict protests in the capital city of Colombo. The anti-terrorism measures that were normally reserved for use against Tamils are now being deployed against other dissidents and critics.

In the years after the end of the war, Muslim and Christian communities have also become targets of violence and hatred. Buddhist monks have led attacks on Muslim homes and businesses and on churches. They have led campaigns against Halal meat and the headscarf. During the pandemic, Muslims who had died as a consequence of COVID-19 infection were forcibly cremated for spurious “public health” reasons.

The impunity with which Sri Lanka’s security forces operate is now a threat to all communities on the island. There is no better illustration of this than Cardinal Malcolm Ranjith’s ongoing campaign calling for an international investigation into the Easter Sunday terrorist attacks that killed 250 people.

Cardinal Ranjith had previously been a staunch Rajapaksa ally and had opposed Tamil demands for international accountability for the crimes committed at the end of the war. He is now calling for an international investigation because he is convinced, like many on the island, that elements of Sri Lanka’s security state were aware of the plans for the appalling Easter Sunday attacks but did not take action in order to bolster the eventually successful 2020 presidential campaign of Gotabaya Rajapaksa.

The effects of Sri Lanka’s massacres have extended well beyond May 2009 and the killing fields of the Vanni. They are evident in the ongoing de facto occupation of the Tamil-speaking areas by a military that eats up the scarce resources of a now effectively bankrupt state. They are evident in the political instability and growing repression in Colombo. They are also evident in security forces who have become such a power unto themselves that they have been accused by a formerly loyal cardinal of allowing brutal terrorist attacks to take place to secure electoral victory for their preferred candidate.

Israel’s assault on Gaza has rightly brought international attention and focus on the need to uphold and defend humanitarian law. Sri Lanka shows what happens when states that commit mass atrocities are allowed to go scot-free.

Remembering and effectively addressing the Vanni atrocities is not just about the past, it is also about the future. Most immediately, it is about Sri Lanka’s future. But it is also about re-building and securing the viability and integrity of international humanitarian law and the possibility of securing genuine and lasting peace, security and prosperity.

The views expressed in this article are the authors’ own and do not necessarily reflect Al Jazeera’s editorial stance.

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The inexplicable rise of kidney disease in Sri Lanka’s farming communities | Health

Polonnaruwa, Sri Lanka – In the sleepy, verdant village of Ambagaswewa, in the Polonnaruwa district of Sri Lanka’s North Central province, 63-year-old TMH Gamini Sunil Thennakoon’s life is peaceful for the most part. On the brink of retirement, he still spends most days out working his rice paddies but is also content spending his days playing with his grandchildren and chatting with his wife and two daughters. Since boyhood, Thennakoon has farmed rice here across 2 hectares (20,000sqm). A majority-farming nation, agriculture plays a central role in Sri Lanka’s economy and constitutes 21.7 percent of total exports.

But for more than seven years, Thennakoon has been coping with unexplained kidney problems. The symptoms of his condition – abdominal and back pain – are not bad enough to require dialysis yet, but he does take tablets to keep the pain under control.

“I’m not sure what caused the issue, because the rest of my family seems fine,” he says calmly, his granddaughter straddling his lap. She reaches over to swipe at one of the puppies roaming the front porch of their home, where we’re sitting. Ambagaswewa, proliferated by rice paddies, is otherwise a jungle – birdsong twangs through the already humid morning air, luscious vines and creepers on the verge of overtaking farmers’ homes. It’s a peaceful place.

Every month, Thennakoon makes a round trip of more than 30km to a local government hospital for a check-up; during these trips, he has to hire labourers to work in the rice paddies and cover his absence.

Rice farmer Gamini Sunil Thennakoon, 63, pictured with his granddaughter, suffers from unexplained kidney disease [Kang-Chun Chen/Al Jazeera]

Thennakoon is not the only one who has been affected in this way, here.

U Subasinha, a 60-year-old former rice farmer, is one of his neighbours. He has had a particularly hard life. One of his three children has been disabled since birth and, now aged 23, cannot walk. Seventeen years ago, Subasinha’s wife, Kamalavathi, now 54, started experiencing pain and was eventually diagnosed with chronic kidney disease.

Subasinha himself has suffered from acute kidney failure for the past eight years.

He is so frail that he can barely leave his cramped, hot bedroom most days, let alone work. But for the past seven years, he’s been going for dialysis four times a week at a government hospital, more than 25km away.

He has to find the money for the medicine he needs (16,000 rupees or $54) a month for himself and Kamalavathi), and for the hefty transportation costs – upwards of $16 for the round trip of a bumpy, 45-minute tuk-tuk ride each way to the hospital in Polonnaruwa.

None of this is covered by any sort of government-provided healthcare. It’s a huge sum for a household without an income.

The couple says they have no idea what made them sick and they seem surprised at the question. “No one has ever come to ask us this before,” says Kamalavathi.

Kamalavathi, 54, has struggled with kidney pain for the past 17 years [Kang-Chun Cheng/Al Jazeera]

The rise of kidney disease ‘hotspots’

According to statistics from the National Kidney Foundation in the United States, 10 percent of the world’s population is affected by chronic kidney disease and it is the 12th most common cause of death. Millions die annually due to a lack of access to affordable treatment.

Furthermore, according to an analysis by the Global Burden of Disease Study in 2019, chronic kidney disease (CKD) has increased by 40 percent over the past 30 years and is one of the fastest-rising major causes of death. Common precursors to CKD include diabetes and hypertension – diseases increasingly endemic to urbanising populations.

But across rural Sri Lanka, there’s a relatively new phenomenon; “chronic kidney disease of unknown aetiology (cause)” (CKDu). A flurry of scientific research studies has provided no concrete reason as to why as many as 22.9 percent of residents in several “hotspot” areas in the north-central districts of Polonnaruwa and Anuradhapura, plus some neighbouring districts, are suffering from acute kidney damage or failure.

On a national level, 10 to 15 percent of Sri Lankans are impacted by kidney diseases, according to Nishad Jayasundara, who is from a farming community in Sri Lanka and now works as an environmental toxicologist at Duke University in Durham, North Carolina, US, and specifically researches the causes of CKDu.

“[The disease] disproportionately impacts farming communities,” he tells Al Jazeera. “The current estimates indicate that more than 20,000 people [in Sri Lanka] are at end-stage kidney failure, with no alternatives left, while 6 to 10 percent of the population in impacted communities are diagnosed with CDKu.”

Indeed, research published by the US government’s National Library of Medicine in 2016 states: “Geographical mapping indicates a relationship between CKDu and agricultural irrigation water sources [in Sri Lanka].”

The fishing docks at Pasikuda beach, Batticaloa, on Sri Lanka’s east coast [Kang-Chun Cheng/Al Jazeera] [Kang-Chun Cheng/Al Jazeera]

A lack of early symptoms

While CKD has identifiable symptoms, such as weight loss and poor appetite, swollen ankles or hands, shortness of breath and itchy skin, early on, CKDu is asymptomatic until the latter stages of the disease, so early detection is nearly impossible, say doctors. By the time a patient receives a diagnosis, the disease is usually untreatable.

Even when symptoms do appear, they usually include back pain, swelling in the arms and legs and “body aches”, not uncommon for farmers and fishermen used to hard manual labour.

Dr S B A M Mujahith is a nephrologist – a doctor who specialises in treating kidney diseases – at Batticaloa Teaching Hospital on Sri Lanka’s eastern coast. He grew up just 50km down the coast from Batticaloa in the town of Nintavur and this played an important role in his career choice: “It was a community investment,” he tells Al Jazeera.

CKDu was first identified as an issue in Sri Lanka in the 1990s. There’s a geographical link, says Mujahith – some parts of the eastern and north-central provinces seemed especially hard hit. Many, like himself, wanted to investigate further and identify the causes.

A World Health Organisation (WHO) team even came to investigate the causes of CKDu in the 2010s, but ultimately the study was inconclusive.

A fisherman brings in part of his catch for the day close to the Negombo fish market on the western coast of Sri Lanka, just north of the capital, Colombo [Kang-Chun Cheng/Al Jazeera]

Mujahith likes to use the term “chronic interstitial nephritis in agricultural communities” (CINAC) since the disease is rather specific to the nation’s agricultural workers. It affects mainly men – most patients live and work in poor agricultural communities and may be exposed to toxic agrochemicals through work, inhalation, and ingesting contaminated water and food, explains Mujahith.

Sri Lanka, a small tropical nation with a population of about 22 million people, is undergoing the fifth year of the worst economic crisis in its history. The result has been limited access to medicine and food which hinders treatment and management of the disease, particularly in remote and under-served places such as Ambagaswewa.

‘Education is key’

Jayasundara, who grew up in a farming village in southern Sri Lanka, is currently working to isolate the factors of CKDu in his research, which examines phenomena such as how agrochemical concentration increases during drought (due to evaporation), or how the economic decline has affected the rest of the country.

Chronic disease in one specific organ of the body – in this case, the kidneys – can be a telltale sign of environmental harm, he says. “Sri Lanka serves as a clear example of how environmental change leads to so many downstream effects that affect people’s lives.”

Fishermen in Kalpitiya, northwestern Sri Lanka, prepare for a day out on the water [Kang-Chun Cheng/Al Jazeera]

The confounding cause of CKDu means it’s difficult to prescribe solutions for villagers, although those with the means are switching from drinking groundwater to filtered water.

Filtered water is not an option for many, however.

“If you’re choosing between food and sending your kids to school, you’re not going to be spending money on filtered drinking water,” says Sumuthuni Sivanandarajah, a marine biologist working at Blue Resources Trust, a marine research and consultancy organisation based in Sri Lanka.

Her work focuses on the self-employed fishing communities along the coasts of Sri Lanka, among whom kidney disease is also on the rise.

Sameera Gunasekara is a research scientist at Theme Institute in Sri Lanka exploring how climate change and diverse environmental exposures affect public health – specifically kidney diseases.

He agrees that the economic crisis has made it harder for people in remote farming and fishing communities to buy water filters. “People know, are conscious that clean water helps,” he explains. “But there’s some misunderstanding. [People] think that chlorinated water, or boiling, will help. That does with bacteria, but not the removal of hazardous materials.” The need for more education in these underserved regions is key, says Gunasekara.

Fishermen in Sri Lanka are prone to severe dehydration as they often take just one meal a day and carry little water with them [Kang-Chun Cheng/Al Jazeera]

Across the afflicted north-central farming provinces, Gunasekara is working to help educate the local population on reducing agrochemical usage, not staying in the sun for a long time, and preventing dehydration.

“Farming and fishing people have a stereotype, they are hard groups to convince,” the researcher continues. To begin with, biomarkers for the initial stages of the disease – back pain and leg swelling – are very subtle; not everyone experiences them. But even those who do experience them may not pay them heed.

“They just take a painkiller and get back to the field – they tend to suffer for a long time without doing proper [kidney] screening.” For many of these households, says Gunasekara, since the father is the only person earning money, the whole family collapses when he falls ill.

An economic crisis and chronic dehydration

Batticaloa on Sri Lanka’s east coast, known for both its aquaculture and agricultural activities, in the form of shrimp farms and rice and fish processing facilities, was the site of a brutal massacre during the nation’s relatively recent, longrunning civil war between the Sinhalese and Tamils. It is also one of the hotspots identified for the prevalence of CKDu, he says.

The civil war was an ethnic conflict that lasted for 26 years, ending in 2009 after killing more than 100,000 civilians and 50,000 soldiers from both the Tamil and Sinhalese sides.

Christy PL Navil, 58, has been working as a fisherman here for 12 years – before that, he worked as a helper on the boats. Along Pasikuda beach near Batticaloa, a landing site where 106 fishermen work each day, Navil fishes for calamari from 5am, not returning until the afternoon.

“Sometimes it’s many fish, sometimes it’s no fish,” he says. On the boat, they bring very little water considering the conditions – just 5 litres for two people to last for more than nine hours in the tropical heat. “The sun is hot, but we are just used to it. Sometimes fishing is busy, we aren’t drinking water or eating,” the fisherman admits. “We want to catch the fish.”

With the economic crisis, many fishermen also have to cut back on food, only taking one meal a day.

A fisherman pushes his boat to shore at the Ullackalie lagoon fish landing site on the east coast of Sri Lanka. Fishermen only take small amounts of water with them and can become dangerously dehydrated in the long hours at sea [Kang-Chun Cheng/Al Jazeera]

The resulting chronic dehydration is a major problem, says Sivanandarajah. She points to a combination of hereditary issues, water sources and pollution, toxins in agrochemicals, anthropogenic factors (for example improper pesticide container disposal), and lifestyle issues as possible CKDu causes.

Some fishermen are accustomed to drinking local “arrack” – a form of liquor – to help manage seasickness, she adds. “This is wearing on the body, the kidneys. And with the rising temperatures, it may not be a root cause, but it’s definitely a stressor.”

The lack of formal fishing collectives or societies, the marine researcher continues, means that little is known about the impact of ocean resource depletion on these self-employed communities – or the subsequent health ramifications.

“Government officials lack the knowledge on how to communicate [with fishermen,] they don’t like being out in the field,” says Sivanandarajah. “Sri Lanka’s fisheries sector depends on politics, what the admin implements. No one knows about the fishermen’s income or situation on the ground. It’s very top down, and no one is actually doing anything with the data.”

Food scarcity is a major issue – particularly during the off-season and especially with the ongoing economic crisis, Sivanandarajah says.

A farmer in Medirigiriya, one of Sri Lanka’s ‘hotspots’ for unexplained kidney disease cases, uses water from his ground well which sources water from very deep below the surface [Kang-Chun Cheng/Al Jazeera]

There is also the high use of tube wells, inserted deep into the ground – deeper than wells – which extract very hard water as they break past phosphorus barriers in the earth which would normally act as a water softener, making the water easier on the human kidneys. “These became popular during the tsunami and monsoon seasons since ground wells are destroyed and contaminated by seawater,” Sivanandarajah explains.

Geological shifts linked to climate change can also increase the likelihood of earthquakes and volcanic eruptions, which in turn heighten the risk of tsunamis, say scientists. It is estimated that by the end of the 21st century, the global mean sea level will rise by at least 0.3 metres given current greenhouse gas emission rates, which would further inundate coastal communities with brackish water.

Crippling debt

Nadaraja Pereatambi, 62, has been working as a fisherman from Pasikuda beach since his youth. Two years ago, he was suffering from unexpected, acute kidney pain, culminating in an emergency operation and a 50-day hospital stay.

The treatment was largely successful – Pereatambi is cautiously back at work on the fishing boats. However, he had little choice but to take a 2 lakh loan (200,000 rupees, nearly $675 – an unthinkable sum for someone who makes as little as $4 a day, depending on the catch) to pay off the hospital bill.

“Six other fishermen working on this beach also have issues with kidneys,” he says. “Most have no money for hospital, even when suffering from kidney stones.”

It could be a water problem, he surmises. In the Pasikuda area, he continues, it is common knowledge that the water quality is poor: there’s too much calcium and fluoride, among other minerals: “It’s all very hard.”

Sirani Silva, 48, a patient with acute kidney damage who attends the District General Hospital in Negombo on Sri Lanka’s west coast for regular treatment, is accompanied by her husband as she is so weak [Kang-Chun Cheng/Al Jazeera]

Outside the government-funded District General Hospital in Negombo along Sri Lanka’s western coast, a little north of the capital city of Colombo, 48-year-old W Sirani Silva is easing into a tuk-tuk that her husband will drive her home in.

Two years ago, she found out she had acute kidney damage – with less than 10 percent function remaining – after experiencing nauseating back and stomach pain.

Each week, Silva makes the 20km journey twice for dialysis sessions in hospital, and is on the waiting list for a transplant. She is far too sick to take care of the house or her three children but is grateful that they are healthy. Since the onset of her illness, the family has switched to drinking filtered water, but still uses well water for cooking and other household needs.

Since Silva is so weak, her husband, K Usdesangar, 51, accompanies her to every dialysis visit, which means he loses income from working as a tuk-tuk driver – he was previously a fisherman – on those days.

“We have no idea where this comes from,” he says, since Silva had an otherwise clean medical history and never suffered from hypertension or diabetes, the main precursors for most kidney disease patients. “Perhaps, it just comes with the family.”

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Why a Sri Lankan island is sparking an Indian election controversy | India Election 2024

New Delhi, India – Fifty years after India and Sri Lanka settled a long-simmering dispute over a tiny island, Indian Prime Minister Narendra Modi has accused a former government of the now-in-opposition Congress Party of gifting Indian territory to its southern neighbour.

The allegation by Modi and his ruling Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) on the eve of national elections has sparked a heated debate in India over a key diplomatic relationship.

At the centre of the controversy is Katchatheevu Island, for long an emotive issue in the southern Indian state of Tamil Nadu, which votes on April 19 in the first phase of India’s seven-stage elections.

What’s the controversy about?

Ahead of the Tamil Nadu vote, on March 31, Modi shared a news report on social media with the headline, “RTI reply shows how Indira Gandhi ceded island to Sri Lanka”. Modi asserted that Congress “callously” gave Katchatheevu Island to Sri Lanka.

The issue originated from a Right to information (RTI) request by Tamil Nadu BJP President K Annamalai, who suggested that in the 1970s, the Congress Party under the leadership of then-Prime Minister Indira Gandhi, in consultation with Tamil Nadu’s Dravida Munnetra Kazhagam (DMK), transferred ownership of Katchatheevu Island to Sri Lanka. The DMK was ruling Tamil Nadu at the time and is also in power there now.

“Eye-opening and startling! New facts reveal how Congress callously gave away #Katchatheevu. This has angered every Indian and reaffirmed in people’s minds—we can’t ever trust Congress! (sic),” Modi posted on X, sharing the report. “Weakening India’s unity, integrity and interests has been Congress’ way of working for 75 years and counting,” he added.

Soon after, External Affairs Minister S Jaishankar reshared Modi’s tweet with the caption: “It is important that people know the full truth about our past. The facts brought out… should concern every citizen.” The foreign minister later echoed Modi’s allegations during two press conferences.

Modi has since repeated the allegations, including in a campaign speech in West Bengal on April 7 where he alleged that for the Congress Party, both Katchatheevu and the territory of Kashmir, which is contested by India and Pakistan, do not matter.

Many analysts believe the BJP’s decision to bring up Katchatheevu is aimed only at helping it in Tamil Nadu during the election. It is a state where the BJP has only a small presence and won no seats in the 2019 vote. There are 39 national constituencies in Tamil Nadu, with an average of 1.51 million voters in each.

“The fact the issue has been raised in the midst of the elections clearly shows it has been done in the hope of gaining some support in Tamil Nadu where the BJP so far has failed to gain any foothold,” said Sudheendra Kulkarni, a former BJP politician and current columnist, who served as a director of operations in the Prime Minister’s Office under the previous BJP Prime Minister Atal Bihari Vajpayee, between 1999 and 2004.

Kulkarni said the BJP move was “neither good politics nor good diplomacy and certainly not good neighbourhood policy”.

He questioned how Modi and Jaishankar could claim to have unearthed the “full truth” about Kathatheevu in 2024, when they were in power for the past decade and had access to all the papers on the subject.

“All the facts that have come up have gone against the ruling party itself. Modi has been the prime minister for the last 10 years and for him to tweet that these are some new facts that have come up – how can the government be unaware of the facts when it has all resources at its disposal?” Kulkarni asked.

What and where is Katchatheevu?

Katchatheevu is a small, barren island spanning 115 hectares (285 acres) within Sri Lanka’s maritime boundary, located 33km (20 miles) off the northeast coast of Rameswaram in Tamil Nadu. It lies southwest of Sri Lanka’s Delft Island.

Katchatheevu was governed by the kingdom of Ramanad Raja from 1795 to 1803 during British rule. The island is also home to the 120-year-old St Anthony’s Church, which hosts an annual festival, drawing devotees from India and Sri Lanka.

Control of Katchatheevu has been a significant point of contention between India and Sri Lanka, particularly regarding fishing rights in the surrounding waters. In a news conference last week, Indian Foreign Minister Subrahmanyam Jaishankar said that Sri Lanka had detained more than 6,000 Indian fishermen and 1,175 fishing vessels in the past 20 years.

Pradip Chatterjee, the convener of India’s National Platform for Small Scale Fish Workers, told Al Jazeera that what fishermen needed was for India and Sri Lanka to avoid adopting nationalist positions and instead “amicably resolve this matter”.

Late last month, the Sri Lankan Navy confirmed in a statement that they had detained 23 Indian trawlers and 178 Indian fishermen in 2024 for allegedly fishing in the island nation’s waters. On April 4, 19 Indian fishermen were released by the Sri Lanka Navy and repatriated to India.

When did Katchatheevu become a part of Sri Lanka?

The spat between India and Sri Lanka dates back at least to 1921 and a survey that placed it within the maritime territory of what was then known as Ceylon, now Sri Lanka – a position that British India countered, citing the erstwhile rule of the Ramanad kingdom. The dispute continued after the independence of both countries.

In 1974, India acknowledged Katchatheevu as part of Sri Lanka’s territory in a maritime boundary agreement signed by Indian Prime Minister Gandhi and her counterpart Sirimavo Bandaranaike.

According to a copy of the agreement obtained by Al Jazeera, the pact allowed Indian fishermen and pilgrims to visit Katchatheevu without needing a travel document or a visa. However, the agreement did not specify the fishing rights of Indian fishermen in the waters around Katchatheevu.

Ashok Kantha, a former Indian ambassador to Sri Lanka, said that the 1974 agreement led to further agreements clarifying the maritime boundary with Sri Lanka. One such agreement in March 1976 recognised India’s sovereign rights over the Wadge Bank – a 10,300 sq km (4,000 sq mile) trawl fishery site – and its rich resources.

In comparison with Katchatheevu island, the Wadge Bank is considered one of the world’s richest fishing grounds, located in a much more strategically important part of the sea. The agreement also granted India the right to explore the Wadge Bank for petroleum and other mineral resources.

“The 1974 agreement placed Katchatheevu on the Sri Lankan side of the IMBL (international maritime boundary line) but it also paved the way for the understanding of 1976, which recognised India’s sovereign rights over the Wadge Bank and its rich resources,” Kantha said.

However, the 1976 agreement restricted both the countries’ fishermen from fishing in the other’s waters.

What do Tamil Nadu parties say on Katchatheevu?

The two largest parties in Tamil Nadu, the DMK and the All India Anna Dravida Munnetra Kazhagam (AIADMK), have long advocated for the retrieval of the Katchatheevu Island from Sri Lanka.

In 1974, after India ceded Katchatheevu to Sri Lanka, M Karunanidhi, the then chief minister of Tamil Nadu, wrote to Gandhi on how the land was historically a part of the Ramnad kingdom’s territory.

However, the BJP today blames the DMK government for being complicit with Congress in handing over the Island to Sri Lanka.

In 1991, the Tamil Nadu assembly adopted a resolution demanding the retrieval of Katchatheevu Island. In 2008, Tamil Nadu Chief Minister J Jayalalithaa from the AIADMK approached the Supreme Court to nullify the agreements of 1974 and 1976.

But amid the current controversy, both the AIADMK and DMK have criticised the BJP for raising the Katchatheevu issue ahead of the general elections.

What have Modi and the BJP previously said?

In the wake of the controversy, Shiv Sena (UBT) MP Priyanka Chaturvedi alleged inconsistencies in the Modi government’s position on Katchatheevu, citing a 2015 RTI reply from the Ministry of External Affairs. Jaishankar, now foreign minister, was then the top career diplomat in the foreign office.

“This [1974 agreement] didn’t involve either acquiring or ceding of territory belonging to India since the area in question had never been demarcated,” Jaishankar’s ministry had said in 2015. “Under the agreements, the island of Katchatheevu lies on the Sri Lankan side of the India-Sri Lanka International Maritime Boundary Line.”

In 2014, after Modi came to power, Attorney General Mukul Rohatgi told the Supreme Court that Katchatheevu was given to Sri Lanka based on a bilateral agreement in 1974 and “to retrieve it now, we have to go to war”.

What are the implications for India’s relations with Sri Lanka?

Harsh V Pant, the vice president for studies and foreign policy at the Observer Research Foundation, said that while the controversy would not harm the India-Sri Lanka relationship, revisiting settled issues like Katchatheevu would not be in the interests of either side.

“Tamil Nadu is an important state now being contested by the BJP. So, it is very natural for the BJP to try to find space in a state where it has no presence, using all available issues that come its way and this issue is one of them,” Pant said.

“The BJP leadership seems to be highlighting the opposition’s past mishandling of the issue but I don’t think there is intent to change the way the dispute was settled decades ago. Therefore, I think this is unlikely to continue beyond the elections,” Pant added.

Other governments, he said, “understand the compulsion of electoral democracy and [that] many things are said during elections that are forgotten later. That’s why I think we have seen the Sri Lankan government not really intervening in the matter”.

On April 4, Sri Lankan Foreign Minister Ali Sabry told a local television channel that Colombo did not see any “necessity to have further discussions on” what he described as a settled matter.

Former Indian diplomat Kalarickal Pranchu Fabian said that as long as India does not try to renegotiate the Katchatheevu deal with Sri Lanka, the domestic politics surrounding the island would not affect bilateral ties.

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