Rights group says President Nayib Bukele has reduced gang violence by replacing it with state violence.
As El Salvador’s President Nayib Bukele embarks on his second term in office, an international rights group has warned that his war on gangs has created a spiralling human rights crisis.
As of February 2024, Bukele’s draconian two-year campaign, which has seen the authorities detain about 78,000 people, has caused 235 deaths in state custody, said Amnesty International on Wednesday. Citing a local rights group, it also reported 327 cases of enforced disappearances.
“Reducing gang violence by replacing it with state violence cannot be a success,” said Amnesty’s Americas director Ana Piquer in a statement. The Salvadoran government had adopted “disproportionate measures”, she said, denying, minimising and concealing human rights violations.
Bukele launched his war on gangs in March 2022, slashing homicides to the lowest rate in three decades after imposing a state of emergency that suspended the need for arrest warrants and the right to a fair trial, among other civil liberties. Prison overcrowding currently stands at 148 percent, according to Amnesty.
After Bukele consolidated power in a landslide win in February’s election, the rights group warned the situation looks set to worsen. “If this course is not corrected, the instrumentalization of the criminal process and the establishment of a policy of torture in the prison system could persist,” it said.
On Tuesday, Minister of Justice and Security Gustavo Villatoro pledged there would be no let-up in the government’s campaign against the gangs, and promised to “eradicate this endemic evil”.
“This war against these terrorists will continue,” he said on state television.
Piquer said that Bukele had created a “false illusion” that he had found “the magic formula to solve the very complex problems of violence and criminality in a seemingly simple way”. She described the international community’s response as “timid”.
“The international community must respond in a robust, articulate and forceful manner, condemning any model of public security that is based on human rights violations,” she said.
The country is voting in both presidential and legislative polls; incumbent Bukele faces virtually no competition.
Voters in El Salvador are casting their ballots in presidential and legislative elections that are largely about the tradeoff between security and democracy.
With soaring approval ratings and virtually no competition, President Nayib Bukele is almost certainly headed for a second term.
For the first time since civil war ended in 1992, the Central American country will vote under a state of emergency imposed for Bukele’s gang crackdown that slashed homicide rates but drew criticism for human rights violations.
Bukele, who polls as Latin America’s most popular leader, is also expected to expand his hold over the Legislative Assembly of El Salvador in Sunday’s elections.
An estimated 69.9 percent of voters approve of his re-election bid, despite questions about its constitutionality: Before Bukele, presidents in El Salvador had historically been limited to one term.
With little need to campaign for himself, Bukele focused on promoting his Nuevas Ideas party, which holds 56 seats in the 84-member assembly.
The overall number of seats has been reduced to 60 under a reform he led, which critics say will make it much harder for smaller parties to get enough votes to get in.
In 2022, the legislature also approved a law allowing Salvadorans to vote abroad. Under that reform, all foreign ballots – which tend to favour Bukele – will count towards the department of San Salvador, which has the most undecided seats, according to the Washington Office on Latin America, an NGO promoting human rights.
Alternating in power for some three decades, the conservative Nationalist Republican Alliance (ARENA) and leftist Farabundo Marti National Liberation Front (FMLN) were discredited for corruption and inefficacy. Their presidential candidates have been polling in the low single digits.
‘Unwaveringly loyal’
Bukele, who often spars with foreign leaders and foes on social media, came to power in 2019, trouncing El Salvador’s traditional parties with a vow to eliminate gang violence and rejuvenate the stagnant economy.
He has campaigned on the success of his draconian security strategy that saw authorities suspend civil liberties to arrest thousands of suspected gang members without charge. The detentions led to a collapse in nationwide murder rates and transformed the poor Central American nation that was once among the world’s most dangerous.
“I would vote for Bukele because of the work he has done so far,” Juan Carlos Rosales, 44, a systems engineer in the capital San Salvador told the Reuters news agency. “The improvement in security is palpable.”
Still, despite Bukele’s solid base, some analysts question how long voters will back his strongman approach, particularly as more people feel its sting.
Under his rule, El Salvador has one of the highest incarceration rates in the world, with an estimated two percent of its adult population behind bars.
Bukele has credited his “mano dura” or “iron fist” tactics for causing that number to tumble to just 7.8 homicides out of every 100,000 people — the lowest in Central America.
Rights groups have warned El Salvador’s democracy is under attack.
Bukele has largely dismissed those concerns, at one point changing his profile on X, to say: “World’s coolest dictator”.
His biggest challenge is the state of the economy, Central America’s slowest growing during his time in power. More than a quarter of Salvadorans live in poverty.
The International Monetary Fund, which is negotiating a $1.3bn bailout with El Salvador, in late 2023 described the country’s fiscal situation as “fragile”.
In a post on X this week, Bukele pledged to bring about changes. “There is still a huge amount to do,” he said, “but, step by step, we will resolve entire decades of looting and neglect.”
San Salvador, El Salvador – He suspended civil liberties. Led a mass incarceration effort. And provoked international criticism for human rights violations.
But five years after he was first elected, President Nayib Bukele appears on track to secure a second term in office when El Salvador holds its general elections on Sunday.
An estimated 69.9 percent of voters approve of his reelection bid, despite questions about its constitutionality: Before Bukele, presidents in El Salvador had historically been limited to one term.
Bukele himself has embraced the condemnation he faces, labelling himself “the world’s coolest dictator”.
“On the surface, his base appears unwaveringly loyal to him even if he implements policies that negatively impact a large number of people,” said Rafael Paz Narvaez, a professor from the University of El Salvador.
Still, despite Bukele’s solid base of support, some observers question how long voters will back his strongman approach, particularly as more and more people feel its sting.
Under Bukele, El Salvador has one of the highest incarceration rates in the world, with an estimated 2 percent of its adult population behind bars.
The country once had one of the highest homicide rates too: In 2015, there were 105 murders for every 100,000 residents, a towering sum.
But Bukele has credited his “mano dura” or “iron fist” tactics for causing that number to tumble to just 7.8 homicides out of every 100,000 people — the lowest in Central America.
Soldiers patrol the historic centre of San Salvador, El Salvador, on January 25 [Camilo Freedman/Al Jazeera]
Security a primary concern
That argument has proven compelling for many Salvadorans, who have struggled with decades of widespread gang violence.
Douglas Guzmán, 35, counts himself among Bukele’s ardent supporters. Wearing a baseball cap emblazoned with the slogan “Bukele 2024-2029”, he recently joined dozens of people to watch the daily performance of street dancers in the Libertad Plaza, part of downtown San Salvador.
“This square used to be deserted because of how dangerous it used to be, but now thousands of people come to enjoy life,” Guzmán told Al Jazeera.
Gúzman arrived at the plaza with a selfie stick: He is part of an online community of content creators who use social media platforms like TikTok to preach their support for Bukele.
When asked about the accusations of human rights abuses under Bukele, Gúzman was quick to dismiss the reports.
“It doesn’t matter if they want to write negative things about the president,” he said of Bukele’s critics, among them non-governmental organisations (NGOs).
“I’ve walked through the dangerous communities, and until those NGOs walk through those streets, they won’t understand that this isn’t what they’re calling human rights violations.”
He emphasised that life had improved since Bukele took office in 2019. “The government is finally valuing human life. Bukele is saving the lives of Salvadorans.”
Douglas, 35, livestreams people dancing at Libertad Plaza on January 25 in San Salvador, El Salvador [Camilo Freedman/Al Jazeera]
An ongoing state of emergency
Bukele’s ascent to the presidency marked a shift in Salvadoran politics. Only 37 years old at the time of his first presidential campaign, Bukele positioned himself as a political outsider, opposed by major parties on the right and left.
His inauguration five years ago made him the youngest president in Latin America, and he proceeded to make good on his ambitions of shaking up the status quo.
Some of his policies were aimed at shoring up El Salvador’s struggling economy: Under Bukele, for instance, the country started to accept the cryptocurrencyBitcoin as legal tender.
The designation curtailed certain rights — including the rights to due process and public gatherings — and expanded the government’s authority to surveil, arrest and prosecute suspected gang members.
An estimated 75,163 people have been arrested since then, according to government figures. Bukele’s administration also opened last year a new mega-prison, designed to house 40,000 people.
In addition to the state of emergency, El Salvador’s legislative assembly — controlled by Bukele’s New Ideas party — approved a series of judicial reforms last July that gave prosecutors the ability to conduct mass trials.
A mural depicting President Nayib Bukele is seen on the side of an apartment complex on January 26 in Mejicanos, El Salvador [Camilo Freedman/Al Jazeera]
Under the reforms, up to 900 people could be tried at once, limiting their ability to prove their innocence. That tough-on-crime approach has formed the centrepiece for Bukele’s reelection campaign, as well as those of his fellow party members.
To maintain his party’s hold over the legislature, Bukele has narrated radio advertisements, warning: “If we lose one Congress member, the opposition will let all gang members free.”
Other party officials have echoed similar themes, playing on fears that the country could return to the high rates of crime it saw before.
For instance, Christian Guevara, the head of the New Ideas caucus in Congress, posted on social media, “The opposition has already said it would open the prison doors and let [suspected criminals] free.”
Narvaez, however, said that Bukele’s popularity is buoyed in part by his government communications strategy, one that has heavily invested state-run news sources and social media.
Bukele himself is renowned for his media savvy: On the social media platform X alone, he has more than 5.8 million followers.
“The Salvadoran people are grateful to not have to pay extortion any more. They’re grateful to be able to roam around the city with peace, but this is a feeling that has been constructed through the usage of public funds for Bukele’s propaganda machine,” Narvaez explained.
“As long as undemocratic actions can be justified as bolstering Bukele’s carefully crafted image, they will continue to be applied, not only with no significant backlash from the other state powers but with their compliance.”
Demonstrators from the organisation MOVIR protest against the state of emergency on November 18 in San Salvador, El Salvador [Camilo Freedman/Al Jazeera]
Opponents say Bukele ‘went off the rails’
While Bukele’s government maintains his “mano dura” measures are necessary to confront high rates of gang violence, critics argue the powers granted to the police and military have opened the door to civil liberty violations.
As of January, the organisation Humanitarian Legal Aid has filed more than 1,700 habeas corpus petitions to El Salvador’s Supreme Court on behalf of people who have allegedly been wrongfully detained.
Some of the relatives of those unjustly imprisoned have formed the Movement of Victims of the State of Emergency (MOVIR). Together, they advocate for accountability and legal redress for the human rights violations perpetrated under the state of emergency.
Santos Arevalo, a 53-year-old agricultural worker and member of MOVIR, used to be an avid supporter of Bukele. He was one of the 1.4 million Salvadorans who voted him into office in 2019. And at first, he was optimistic about the change in leadership.
“Politicians were working only for the people in power,” Arevalo said of previous administrations. “We wanted to give him [Bukele] a shot because he said he was different.”
But then, Arevalo’s son was accused of being a gang member and arrested. So far, he has spent more than nine months awaiting trial in jail, where he is allowed no access to the outside world.
Santos Arevalo, 53, poses for a portrait on January 18 in San Salvador, El Salvador [Camilo Freedman/Al Jazeera]
Arevalo has therefore been unable to ascertain his son’s wellbeing. The experience has left him feeling betrayed by the Bukele administration.
“Now he has turned against us for no reason,” Arevalo said of Bukele. “The president was supposed to go after all the gang members. That’s what he promised, but he went off the rails and now is going after innocent families.”
Arevalo only makes the minimum wage: about $243 dollars a month. Nevertheless, he spends $100 each month to deliver a food package to the penitentiary where his son is imprisoned, three hours from his home in the eastern department of Ahuachapán.
Since he is unable to reach his son, Arevalo never knows if the care packages reach him.
“This isn’t a war against gangs. This is a war against poor people,” Arevalo said. He hopes to have his son set free, although he fears his child could face a mass trial, where he would be lumped in with gang members.
For experts like Narvaez, a Bukele victory in Sunday’s election would signal a continued backslide away from democracy.
“If President Bukele scores a reelection, it will solidify his concentration of power and pave the way for further erosion of the rule of law,” he said.
But for Arevalo, the upcoming vote is personal. He plans to stand up against Bukele’s state of emergency for as long as it takes.
“The government has this idea of whipping human rights from this country,” he said. “We know that we and our families have rights, and we are going to continue fighting for them.”
In October, shortly after the start of the Israeli war on Gaza that has now killed nearly 20,000 Palestinians, Israel pledged to wipe Hamas “off the face of the earth” – a project that would require Israel’s military “to flatten the ground” in Gaza, as an Israeli security source told the Reuters news agency.
And flatten they did; one month into the war, the military had already dropped the equivalent of two nuclear bombs on the diminutive and densely populated Palestinian coastal enclave. Now, as Israel continues to pulverise an already thoroughly pulverised territory, it seems the Israelis may be taking the concept of scorched earth policy to a whole new level.
According to the Oxford Reference dictionary, the term “scorched earth policy” was first utilised in English in 1937 in a report describing the Sino-Japanese conflict, in which the Chinese levelled their own cities and burned crops in order to complicate the Japanese invasion. The strategy has since been seen in an array of armed conflicts worldwide, including the 36-year civil war in Guatemala that ended in 1996 after killing and disappearing more than 200,000 people, primarily Indigenous Mayans.
In 2013, former Guatemalan dictator and United States buddy Efraín Ríos Montt – who oversaw a particularly bloody segment of the war in the early 1980s – was found guilty of genocide in a Guatemalan court. And while subsequent judicial machinations and Ríos Montt’s own death by heart attack saved the man from earthly atonement for his crimes, you might say the truth is not so easily wiped “off the face of the earth”.
Indeed, scorched earth was a primary component of the Guatemalan army’s genocidal approach to its adversaries, and hundreds of Indigenous villages were destroyed along with water supplies, crops, and anything else that might sustain life. And what do you know: Guatemalan state savagery was boosted by none other than the state of Israel, which after all already had several decades of experience in eradicating Indigenous life in Palestine – pardon, “making the desert bloom”.
As journalist Gabriel Schivone notes in an article for the North American Congress on Latin America (NACLA), not only did Israeli advisers help ensure the success of the 1982 military coup that brought Ríos Montt to power, but Israel also “assisted every facet of attack on the Guatemalan people” from the late 1970s into the next decade. For successive Guatemalan governments, Schivone writes, Israel had become the “main provider of counterinsurgency training, light and heavy arsenals of weaponry, aircraft, state-of-the-art intelligence technology and infrastructure, and other vital assistance”.
In keeping with the “desert-blooming” variety of blasphemy, Israel was also credited with assisting Guatemala in agricultural endeavours during the civil war era – since there’s clearly nothing better for agriculture than, you know, scorched earth.
Meanwhile, in neighbouring El Salvador, the United States’s supposedly existential fight against communism during the Cold War also enabled right-wing regimes to slaughter a whole lot of peasants. And like in Guatemala, Israel was standing by to offer a helping hand – including in the implementation of scorched earth policies.
An AJ+ video draws attention to the fact that Israel helped train ANSESAL, the Salvadoran intelligence agency that “would lay the foundation for death squads” during El Salvador’s own 12-year civil war, which killed at least 75,000 people and ended in 1992. According to the video, from 1975 until the start of the civil war in 1979, Israel was the source of a full 83 percent of El Salvador’s military imports. The vast majority of wartime killings were perpetrated by the US-backed right-wing state and associated paramilitary groups.
It goes without saying, of course, that scorched earth campaigns are deadly – and sometimes, that deadliness outlives the conflict itself. Take Vietnam, where the US military’s quite literal scorching of the earth with the toxic defoliant Agent Orange continued to cause miscarriages, birth defects, and severe illnesses decades after the official end of the Vietnam War in 1975.
In Iraq, the US’s use of depleted uranium munitions might also qualify as a scorched earth policy of sorts, as saturating a territory in radioactive poison doesn’t do much to ensure its long-term habitability.
Speaking of poisons, the Washington Post recently confirmed that the Israeli military fired US-supplied white phosphorus rounds at southern Lebanon in October despite the use of such weapons in civilian areas being “generally prohibited under international humanitarian law”. As per the Post’s writeup, south Lebanese residents affected by the attack “speculated that the phosphorus was meant to displace them from the village and to clear the way for future Israeli military activity in the area”.
It certainly wouldn’t be the first time – in Lebanon or in the Gaza Strip, which has seen its fair share of illegal white phosphorus bombardments by Israel.
As the Israeli military now carries on scorching and re-scorching the earth in Gaza and the humans therein along with it, there is a singularity that distinguishes Israel’s efforts from scorched earth experiments of the past. In El Salvador, for example, the army’s goal was never to eliminate the very concept of El Salvador, whereas Israel appears intent on annihilating Gaza altogether.
But unfortunately for Israel, resistance is one thing that can grow in scorched earth.
The views expressed in this article are the author’s own and do not necessarily reflect Al Jazeera’s editorial stance.
El Salvador, the country that historically became the first in the world to ordain Bitcoin as a legal tender, has created a plan to boost its tourism industry and subsequently its economy in due time. The National Bitcoin Office (ONBTC) of the central American nation has announced a new initiative called the Freedom Visa. The development comes after a long silence from El Salvador, that is currently working to develop a tax-free, volcano-powered Bitcoin city.
The Freedom Visa is a donation-based citizenship programme. Through this, El Salvador will grant a residency visa to those willing to donate a million-dollar worth of Bitcoin or Tether into the national treasury. To do so, the Salvadoran government has partnered with stablecoin issuer Tether, it said in an official announcement earlier this month.
Tether Powers El Salvador’s Visionary Freedom Visa Program Through Technology Support :flag-sv::volcano:
Experience Freedom, Security and a #Bitcoin lifestyle by adopting El Salvador as your home through the Freedom Visa Program.
Each year, the country will give out only a thousand slots, the government under President Nayib Bukele has decided. The country is looking to leverage its status as a pro-Bitcoin nation, to propel its special citizenship visa plan to the masses.
“Based on the current level of interest, we expect the program to sell out by the end of the year. If anything, in fact, it is actually underpriced. While there are many citizenship programs available in the world, there is only one Bitcoin country,” a CoinTelegraph report quoted the ONBTC as saying in an email conversation.
Reacting to the development, market analyst Alistair Milne called the Salvadoran initiative rather ‘uncompetitive’ comparing to other similar initiatives. Milne is the chief investment officer of Altana Digital Currency Fund.
El Salvador offering Visas and citizenship to anyone investing $1million (in USDt or Bitcoin) in the country
Frankly uncompetitive in the global market (can get EU citizenship for less) so disappointing https://t.co/ALydiMAJRj
It’s now a matter of time before the programme unfolds and we see how lucrative it ended up becoming and whether or not there will be a next edition to it.
El Salvador recently approved Bitcoin bonds that are set to be offered on Bitfinex Securities, a regulated division of crypto exchange Bitfinex, starting early 2024.
:rotating_light:BREAKING NEWS:rotating_light:
The Volcano Bond has just received regulatory approval from the Digital Assets Commission (CNAD).
We anticipate the bond will be issued during the first quarter of 2024.
This is just the beginning for new capital markets on #Bitcoin in El Salvador.
The so-called ‘Volcano bonds’ were announced in 2021. With a minimum investment of $100 (roughly Rs. 8,170), El Salvador residents will be able to enter Volcano Bonds — that will add to the nation’s economy. Any appreciation in Bitcoin’s values will be shared with the bond holders.
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El Salvador has announced that all Bitcoin related projects, emerging in the country, will now be under the oversight of a newly established body. The government of the central American nation has announced the creation of a ‘National Bitcoin Office’, or ONBTC, that will operate as a dedicated administrative unit to monitor local crypto projects in the region. The development comes as El Salvador’s BTC-related activities are facing scrutiny due to withholding of related information. The government has published an official post on LinkedIn, detailing more information on the subject and how the newly created ONTBC will function in the country.
The creation of the ONBTC was signed by Nayib Bukele, the President of El Salvador. Bukele announced last year that the El Salvador would be the first in the world to make Bitcoin legal tender across the country.
“The objective of the ONBTC which will be to design, diagnose, plan, program, coordinate, follow up, measure, analyse, and evaluate plans, programs and projects related to Bitcoin for the economic development of the country. It will also be able to collaborate with other countries when required, in matters related to the BTC,” the LinkedIn post by the Torres Legal El Salvador noted.
Rolling out educational plans on crypto for locals and scheduling BTC-related partnership meetings for President Bukele will also be part of ONBTC’s responsibilities.
All public institutions related to Bitcoin will have to collaborate with the ONBTC to devise profitable and safe products and services needed for crypto expansion.
In the coming days, Bukele will finalise the director of this organisation who will add more relevant members to the team.
“Another task of the Bitcoin Office is to coordinate the actions related to the formulation of relevant policies on Bitcoin and blockchain that the Presidency determines in the short-, medium-, and long-term correspondence with the economic and educational programs in coordination with the corresponding institutions,” the post added.
El Salvador’s BTC holdings took a plunge when the crypto market crashed after the collapse of crypto exchange FTX.
BTC’s current value is stuck close to the mark of $16,111 (roughly Rs. 13 lakh). Exactly one year ago in November 2021, BTC had touched its last all-time high of $68,000 (roughly Rs. 55 lakh).
Earlier this month, El Salvador’s state bank Banco de Desarrollo de El Salvador (BANDESAL) refused to share details of the country’s current BTC holdings. The information was requested by ALAC El Salvador — a non-governmental anti-corruption bureau. That secrecy around its BTC possessions was seen as a way its government was shielding itself against criticism for perhaps exposing its public to major financial risks.
It is estimated that El Salvador had a total of 2,301 BTC as of September this year. In around a year, the value of this BTC holding slipped dramatically from $103.9 million (roughly Rs. 850 crore) to roughly $45 million (roughly Rs. 370 crore).
Last week, Bukele announced that El Salvador would purchase one Bitcoin every day as a gesture to support the crypto industry amid the ongoing downturn.
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El Salvador appears to be a step closer to issuing its Bitcoin Bond as President Nayib Bukele’s administration has released a digital securities bill for the bond to lawmakers. The island nation also plans to legalise all crypto assets under the new law. The Bitcoin Volcano Bond aims to draw capital and investors to El Salvador. The nation intends to issue $1 billion (roughly Rs. 8,118 crore) in bonds on the Liquid Network, a federated Bitcoin sidechain. The proceeds of the bonds will be distributed between a $500 million (roughly Rs. 4,060 crore) direct investment in BTC and a $500 million investment in the development of local energy and BTC mining infrastructure.
A copy of the 33-page-long document first reported by Bloomberg, was released on Tuesday by a spokesperson for the president’s office. The bill requests a digital assets commission and Bitcoin Fund Management Agency to oversee crypto-related debt sales.
It is worth recalling that the issuance of the Bitcoin Bond was delayed in August (via Fortune). At the time Paolo Ardoino, the CTO of crypto trading platform Bitfinex, the official exchange of the bond, said that the offering would be delayed until late 2022.
The recent development shows that El Salvador is closer to issuing the bonds, despite critics’ belief that such is unlikely to happen.
Upon issuance, interested parties can invest as low as $100 (roughly Rs. 8,118). The Bitcoin Bond will be issued to raise $1 billion (roughly Rs. 8,118 crore) to finance the development of the nation’s income tax-free Bitcoin City, which would use geothermal energy from a nearby volcano for mining crypto assets.
The $1 billion (roughly Rs. 8,118 crore) raised would be split into two parts — $500 million (roughly Rs. 4,060 crore) for financing infrastructure in the Bitcoin City and the other half for purchasing additional Bitcoin, with profit from the appreciation of the digital asset shared with bondholders.
El Salvador currently has over 2,300 BTC reserves, and the country recently vowed to purchase 1 BTC daily amid the bear market.
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