The legendary flavoured ground salt from India: Pisyu loon | Fork the System

On the plate in front of me, raw mango slices have been carefully arranged into the petals of a flower. My friend, Alka Dogra, urges me to eat them right away.

One bite, and immediately, my tastebuds are alight with hot, piquant salt that pairs beautifully with the sourness of the fruit.

“This has the hari mirch pisyun loon (green chilli salt) from Uttarakhand you so wanted to taste,” she shares.

But I hardly listen, already transported back in time. It’s lunchtime in sixth grade and we’re eating our way through our lunches. A girl named Mahima brings out a small packet and asks, teasingly: “Kis kis ko chahiye (How many of you want)?” We jump with delight: This is her mother’s irresistible signature spice mix.

We spread out guavas, apples and oranges. I sprinkle the coarse, deep green mixture on an orange slice and pop it in my mouth. The sharp salt and hot chilli mix with the sweet and sour orange juice in a fiery, tangy explosion of flavour.

We craved that legendary spice mix. And when Mahima left school the next year, we had to eat our fruit with plain salt, sulking.

I’d almost forgotten this memory, but 20 years later, I was reminded while enjoying some fruit with Alka in Delhi one sunny winter afternoon. She lamented: “Daadi ka pisyun loon hota to kya baat thi (If only my grandmother’s flavoured salts were here).”

Ingredients to make green chilli garlic pisyun loon [Courtesy of Rushina Ghildiyal]

“Pisyun what?” I asked, confused.

“It’s our special salt from Uttarakhand,” she responded and promised to share some pisyun loon with me the next time her mother sent some.

It was worth the wait. As I savour the salt-sprinkled mango slices Alka has laid out for me, I am delighted to now have a name for the spice mix I loved so much as a schoolgirl.

Pisyun loon [Courtesy of Rushina Ghildiyal]
Freshly-made green chilli garlic pisyun loon [Courtesy of Rushina Ghildiyal]

A cherished condiment

Pisyun loon (which translates to “coarse salt ground with spices”) is a cherished condiment in Uttarakhand. Deeply connected to the local culture, there are even songs written about it. “Hoon Pissyu lone” tells the story of a boy’s longing to return to his village for his mother’s salt. And “Hai Kakdi Zilema loon pisse sile ma“ is about a girl who sees ripe cucumbers and dreams of happily grinding salt for her fiance.

Culinary expert Rushina Munshaw Ghildiyal says she discovered that the salty condiment exists only in the kitchens of Uttarakhand. In her documentation of the area’s cuisine, which she has been compiling for 25 years in efforts to capture recipes – her husband is originally from the area –  she has recorded more than 17 types of flavoured salts, each with claims to “health and medicinal properties.”

“Every cook and home in this region has their own variations based on individual and family tastes,” she says, adding that she is looking to publish a cookbook next year.

Home chef Nitika Kuthiala, who is an expert in cuisine from Himachal, a neighbouring state, says: “It is like the Indian quintessential garam masala [everyday spice mixture] recipe every family has and is prepared with whatever is available.”

People who have grown up with the condiment often have fond memories from their childhood. Nandini Jayal Khanduri, who is a jewellery designer from the state capital Dehradun, remembers running home from school every day to watch her mother making khatai with neighbours while sitting in the winter sun.

The mixture, which is a regional favourite, is prepared with chakotra (grapefruit), malta (blood orange) and galgal (hill lemon). The fruit is peeled and pulped before mixing with the salt and spices. Sometimes roasted sesame powder is added to reduce sourness. It’s often enjoyed with parathas or flatbread. “My mouth waters even as I speak about the khatai,” Khanduri says, laughing.

Kavita Manralm spent her childhood in Ranikhet where her father, an army officer, was posted. She remembers enjoying lemons from the back yard with green chilli garlic pisyun loon – her favourite. As an adult, she makes this salt in her home in Ghaziabad.

Raw mango slices with green chili salt pisyun loon [Nupur Roopa/Al Jazeera]

Salty history

Because salt is an essential element for vital body function, and humans also tend to crave it, it’s historically been used as currency, but also heavily taxed and even at the centre of conflicts, such as the War of Ferrara (1482–1484) between Venice and Ferrara and the Salt War (1556–1557) between Naples and the Papal States. The famous Dandi March, also known as the Salt March, led by Mahatma Gandhi in 1930 was a vital event during India’s struggle for independence from British rule. It was a non-violent protest against the British-imposed salt tax, which gave the British government a monopoly on salt production and distribution, making it illegal for Indians to collect or sell salt.

Salt’s indispensability and cost made it precious, forcing people to find more of it — Ghildiyal cites a wild salty leaf used by the tribal communities of the Sahyadri region in western India and a saltbush used by the Aboriginal community in Australia – and use it sparingly.

Because of its potency, salt can be used in small amounts to make pickles, chutneys and loons (salts), allowing it “to be stretched”, Ghildiyal adds.

That’s why “this salt tradition developed in both Svaneti, Georgia, and Uttarakhand, India, two mountainous places where salt had to be carried over difficult terrain”, explains Naomi Duguid, a Canadian cookbook author who wrote The Joy of Salt. In Quebec, Canada, a salt mix called “herbes salees” is made with finely chopped fresh green herbs and chopped carrots, then stored in jars and used as a seasoning for a variety of dishes, Duguid explains.

The origins of pisyun loon remain somewhat of a mystery. However, Ghildiyal has a theory: The Bhutiya community, which spans the three Indian states bordering Tibet and Nepal (Sikkim, West Bengal and Uttarakhand) historically traded herbs and spices with each other. Because salt was sold in rocks or blocks, it needed to be ground with a silbatta (grinding stone) – spices also required grinding. Ghildiyal believes that this led to the accidental creation of flavoured salt. “Someone would have used the mortar and pestle that was used to grind something else previously to crush the salt and found the residual masala left on the stone augmented its flavour.”

A lack of fresh vegetables — especially in the hills — during the winter may have also been a factor, says Tanaya Joshi, a chef from Uttarakhand, prompting people to explore new ways of preparing meals.

Women holding packets of pisyun loon [Courtesy of Shashi Raturi/Namakwali]

Crafting flavoured salts

There is no documentation of recipes, variations or combinations of these salts, shares Ghildiyal. Family recipes, which are “mostly handed down by great grandmothers and grandmothers”, have been rooted in the availability of ingredients, personal preferences and “the home’s main cook’s philosophy” – even the medicinal properties of the ingredients. Thus, mixtures differ from home to home and from region to region.

This is also the case with svanuri marili or Svan salt, the flavoured salt of Svaneti, Duguid notes, which typically includes dill, fenugreek, marigold petals, coriander, caraway, dried red chiles and a lot of garlic. It can be used as a meat marinade or rub, seasoning during cooking or a condiment.

For pisyun loon, dried spices such as asafoetida (fennel), basil, carom (caraway), mint, coriander or green chillies are added to white, pink and sendha namak (rock salt), Kuthiala says. Fresh coriander, which is not always available in this region, is used when in season. “The main ingredient is salt, and you can add anything you prefer.”

In the Kumaon region, salts made from bhang (hemp seeds), jakhya (wild mustard) and bhang jeera are quite popular, Joshi says.

In Uttarakhand, green garlic salt is a winter speciality. Also during this season, iodine, pink and rock salts are blended with amchur (dry mango powder) and sprinkled on oranges, guava and papaya. In the summer, mint salt and chilli cumin salt are very popular, and various salts are added to dahi raita (yoghourt mixed with tomatoes, onion or cucumber) and mattha (tempered buttermilk).

During both seasons, the mixture is spread on paper and dried in the shade – never in the sun – to retain its flavour; however, it’s eaten fresh during the monsoons, Kuthiala explains. After it’s been dried, the mixture resembles salt granules. Households will often make seven or eight varieties; a batch has a shelf life of about two years.

When it comes to eating pisyun loon, options are plentiful. It can be sprinkled on fruits and vegetables, cooked into dishes, mixed with rice and ghee, and added to ramen or instant noodles.

Joshi recalls eating ragi (finger millet) roti smeared with ghee and pisyun loon. Spreading the flavoured salts on roti is a popular lunch option – it travels well and doesn’t require refrigeration.

Finger millet roti with white butter and garlic salt [Courtesy of Rushina Ghildiyal]

Green garlic salt and sugar are often served with jhangora (barnyard millet) that’s been cooked in buttermilk to create a porridge called paleu or chencha eaten for breakfast. The flavoured salt used with this porridge varies with the seasons: for example, hare lehsun ka namak (green garlic salt) in winter and jeere ka namak (cumin salt) in summer.

Finding international fans

Pisyun loon is now being sold via social media and online shopping platforms, thanks to its increasing popularity in other regions of India and abroad.

Shashi Raturi has been running an NGO (Mahila Nav Jagran Samiti) in Dehradun since 1982, helping women find employment. “We used to have lunch together and all these women bought their homemade salts,” she says. This gave her the idea of selling pisyun loon to generate income and employment.

Raturi started selling the flavoured salts in 2015 under the label Namakwali (“women with salt”) – they’re now available on Amazon. “We use garewal namak (rock salt) and not the commercial salt,” she says, and the mixtures are made by hand using a pestle and mortar. Preparing a batch of 10kg (22lbs) of flavoured salts takes about three to four days.

Women sample pisyun loon from Namakwali, which provides employment opportunities [Courtesy of Shashi Raturi/Namakwali]

Deepa Devi from the village Kakrighat, near Almora, has been selling flavoured salts since 2011. Starting on a small scale with a shop on the main road, she prepared a variety of mixtures with chillies and sold around 5,000 rupees ($60) worth of salt in the first two years.

Today, working with a team of nine women and taking orders via WhatsApp, she sells more than 20 varieties made from chilies, local spices and herbs like timur, ginger, green garlic, cumin, asafoetida, sesame seeds and more. She has also trained around 500 women and set them up in their own independent businesses.

Ghildiyal says she hasn’t found a tradition similar to flavoured salt-making anywhere else in India, and she wants to keep the practice alive. During culinary sojourns in Uttarakhand she’s been given jars of ghar ka namak (homemade salt) by homeowners, and she’s also been developing some of her own flavours, such as stinging nettle.

Our ancestors had figured out how to use salt judiciously to survive in famine, in difficult places and during seasons of scarcity, Dugaid says. “Salt needs to be respected and revered.”

Uttarakhand’s flavoured salts are more than mere condiments. They celebrate relationships, create memories, inspire stories and songs, and commemorate the beloved people who make them: grandmothers, mothers, sisters and wives.



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Reporter’s Notebook: Covering an anti-war protest in Israel | Israel War on Gaza

It’s a crisp sunny Saturday morning as our crew prepares the car for the drive from Jerusalem to Haifa to cover an anti-war rally. Spirits are high as I place my camera equipment in the boot of the car. Then we discuss footwear.

Stefanie, our correspondent, has chosen to wear comfortable white trainers, expecting the likelihood of violence to be low. However, Luke, whom we’ve hired to provide security, and I have plumped for sturdy boots in case things get heated.

This is the first anti-war protest to take place in Israel since it began its war on Gaza following the Hamas attacks of October 7.

Since, it hasn’t been easy for the anti-war voice to make itself heard. The organisers of this rally, Hadash, a left-wing socialist party that supports a two-state solution, were initially banned from gathering and had to take their request to the Supreme Court.

A protester shouts into a megaphone at the anti-war rally [Alasdair Brenard/Al Jazeera]

For us, even finding the protest location proves difficult. As we near the square in Haifa, our GPS begins sending us in circles. We finally park at a mosque where a local explains that the Israeli army has scrambled the GPS signal in northern Israel due to security concerns.

The authorities were likely keen to let the protest go ahead on a Saturday when there’s no public transport, which would make it more difficult for people to reach the square.

As we make our way to the square, we pass a large contingent of police in blue uniforms as well as what looks like border guards in dark green. They seem to be having a last-minute pep talk before the protest.

No doubt they have concerns as to what might be about to happen. They are armed with rifles and pistols, and they have utility vehicles, the notorious “skunk water truck” and officers on horseback.

I’m starting to feel vindicated by my choice of footwear.

About 500 people showed up at the rally on Saturday [Alasdair Brenard/Al Jazeera]

Around midday, we’re waiting for the rally to start. Police create a ring of steel around the area, erecting metal barricades and blocking the nearby road with trucks. They’ve also placed an armed spotter on a roof overlooking the square.

A local photographer explains to me that the police are not happy the protest is going ahead, that the anti-war message is not one they are ready to hear.

“They’re going to provoke violence from the demonstrators to prove that it shouldn’t have gone ahead,” he warns me solemnly.

Our guard is now up. We start to survey the arriving protesters for signs of trouble or possible counter-protesters that may have been planted to try and whip up confrontations.

Luke spots a man reaching into his inner jacket pocket in a very suspicious manner. The man glances around and pulls out… a packet of cigarettes. False alarm, but you can’t be too careful.

More people start to show up – about 500, many of them young – and some aren’t wearing shoes. I can’t help but feel that the police may have overestimated the danger posed by this particular group of protesters.

They’re banging drums, shouting slogans through loudspeakers and giving speeches on the importance of reconciliation and the failure of war to bring lasting security.

Protesters wave flags and beat drums [Alasdair Brenard/Al Jazeera]

It’s refreshing to hear an alternative message in Israel and to see Israelis and Palestinian Israelis standing together in hope for a peaceful future.

One of the speakers, Maoz Inon, whose parents were killed by Hamas fighters during Hamas’s attacks on October 7, speaks of forgiveness: “My father cultivated the land. He grew wheat and he also brought me up to believe in a good future.

“My message to the world is don’t choose a side, Israeli or Palestine, but please choose humanity.”

Meanwhile, police are becoming increasingly twitchy. They swoop in on the crowd and pluck a man from it, then lead him away to a nearby vehicle as the protesters, police and press surge back and forth in the confusion.

Fortunately, the situation doesn’t escalate and things soon calm down.

But there are other events. At one point, while I’m filming Stefanie talking to the camera, a Palestinian-Israeli man and his teenage daughter approach us. He apologises for interrupting us before telling us he’d been shoved in the back by a police officer while watching the rally. He’s upset and frustrated, and feels targeted for simply showing up at the rally.

Near the end of the protest, the police make another move. This time, the source of their ire is a paper mâché fighter plane with cardboard bombs dangling beneath. It’s a brief battle before the model plane is snatched away.

Despite the plane incident, the protesters remain upbeat.

When the rally finishes and people begin to file off in different directions,  Stefanie stays a little longer to talk with Maoz. Meanwhile, a counter-protester films him and then tries to start arguments with the people that remain.

For now, those protesting here today are in the minority. According to recent polls, the majority of Israelis still support the war in Gaza.

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Donald Trump’s Nikki Haley birdcage stunt is . . . weak

“Birdbrain”? That’s the best Trump could do for Nikki Haley?

Say what you will about the Donald’s third run at the presidency, but the guy’s losing his once-fearsome nicknaming powers. 

“Low Energy Jeb” Bush was an instant classic, and cruelly accurate about Bush’s limp public persona. (Remember “please clap”?)

“Crooked Hillary”? Darn right.  

She engaged in enough document shenanigans to make even Trump blush and helped set up a primo influence-peddling shop, the Clinton Foundation, that would be the envy of La Famiglia Biden.

Sure, we first saw decline with Trump’s lame “Meatball Ron” and tin-eared “DeSanctimonious” jabs at Fla. Gov. Ron DeSantis. 

But the peeved-gramma tone of birdbrain proves he’s slipping. 

Haley is anything but: calm and effective, with a sound grasp of policy.

She was at least arguably the winner of this first two GOP debates, no easy task for a woman dealing with a pack of shouting men.

That’s why the more GOP voters see of her, the more they like her.

To make matters worse, Trump and his team were so proud of themselves that like schoolkids they came up with a harebrained plan to send a birdcage and some bird food to Haley’s hotel room door in the middle of the night.

Haley’s campaign response was dead-on: “weird, creepy and desperate.”

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Don’t count DeSantis out — he may yet take down Trump

The Ron DeSantis presidential campaign sure was good while it lasted. 

The conventional wisdom has turned so decidedly against the Florida governor that he’s getting buried a couple of months before he even announces. 

There’s flaming out on the launch pad, and there’s flaming out while you’re drinking a cup of coffee early in the morning at your home before getting in a car to drive to Cape Canaveral to check in for your mission.

It’s the latter that’s supposedly happening to DeSantis.

This is a bit much. Rumors of his political death are not just greatly exaggerated, they are absurdly overwrought, although that’s what a bout of bad national polling will do. 

To listen to the pundits, DeSantis has gone from the political force who steamrolled his way to a historic re-election victory in a large, diverse former swing state to a socially awkward stumblebum who would stay out of the 2024 race if he knew what’s good for him

It’s wrong to characterize the last couple of months as a loss for DeSantis.

His book was a success, and he’s in the process of racking up an impressive string series of victories during this Florida legislative session.

But there’s no doubt he’s hit turbulence.


A RealClearPolitics polling average said that 50% of Republicans want to elect Trump in 2024.
AP

He, in effect, walked back the line in his statement about the Ukraine war calling the fight with Russia “a territorial dispute,” and he’s never forcefully hit back at Donald Trump, even though the former president has made slamming the governor one of his favorite pastimes. 

Trump has taken a jag up in national polling lately and DeSantis a step down.

In the RealClearPolitics national polling average, Trump sits above 50%, a formidable position by any standard.

DeSantis is far back at about 24%. 

Clearly, some of the shine has come off DeSantis as his re-election win has become more distant, whereas Trump has benefited from getting further away from the debacle of the midterms — and from the free publicity and the GOP sympathy created by the Alvin Bragg indictment. 

Still, DeSantis is a strong second in most states and is well-liked in crucial Iowa.

If the Bragg bump wears off over time and DeSantis gets a bump from his announcement — neither is inevitable, but neither is far-fetched, either — it will look like a very competitive race at the top of the field. 

Besides the latest polling, much of the new conventional wisdom about DeSantis is driven by the assumptions he will never attack Trump and he will be a poor campaigner.

If either is true, he won’t be the nominee.


Joe Biden is topping Donald Trump in many 2024 polls.
REUTERS

But his super PAC is already shooting back at Trump, and if DeSantis isn’t a natural backslapper, he didn’t become the twice-elected governor of Florida by spending all of his time alone at home playing Wordle. 

There’s much about the campaign we still don’t know, and will find out as it takes place.

How does the DeSantis announcement go?

Does the Bragg indictment — and possible subsequent indictments — continue to buoy Trump or eventually weigh him down?

Who else gets in the race?

How vulnerable is the former president to an electability critique?

Who wins and loses the first debate in August?

Does someone else in the field pop?

If Mike Pence gets in, how much traction does he get in Iowa?

And so on. This is why we have primary campaigns, and they always hold surprises.

What we have definitely learned the last couple months is that Donald Trump isn’t going to fade away.

He is the odds-on favorite to be the Republican nominee a third time in a row, and if he is going to be stopped someone is going to have to go out and affirmatively beat him.

Can DeSantis — or in the right circumstances someone else — do that?

It’s an enormous task, but the governor shouldn’t be counted out before he’s in.

Twitter: @RichLowry

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Is Hochul’s high court move a compromise — or a sellout?

Hmm: Gov. Kathy Hochul evidently hopes to sidestep the hard left’s drive to control New York’s top court with a compromise.

Or maybe it’s a sellout.

To recap: The state Senate’s lefty leadership orchestrated a humiliating rejection of her first nominee for state chief judge, Hector LaSalle — first stacking the Judiciary Committee with new progressive members in a bid to kill the nomination in committee, then (when finally forced into allowing a floor vote) intimidating even Democrats who’d normally have supported him into voting “no.”

Along the way, they came up with a new litmus test: No more Court of Appeals justices who’d previously been prosecutors, because that supposedly makes them biased against accused criminals.

In fact, the concern was simply that LaSalle — a perfectly liberal moderate Dem — wouldn’t side with the left when the law as written clearly says otherwise.

Hochul’s giving in at least partway with her new chief judge pick: solid lefty Justice Rowan Wilson, who’s most famous for siding with Happy the elephant’s “right” to sue for release from the Bronx Zoo.

(Of course, it was really self-appointed animal-rights extremists doing the suing.)

But elevating him to chief judge doesn’t change the balance on the high court, now 3-3 between libs and lefties: The deciding vote would then be with Wilson’s replacement as an associate justice.


Wilson is most famous for siding with Happy the elephant’s “right” to sue for release from the Bronx Zoo.
REUTERS

For that slot, the gov offers Caitlin Halligan, a former state solicitor general widely seen as pretty-liberal-but-not-crazy-left — who’s also been tight with Hochul herself.

Which brings us to our “sellout” fear: This comes as Hochul has just filed a brief supporting the lawsuit to give the Dem-dominated Legislature another crack at gerrymandering New York’s House districts.

In the wake of the 2020 Census, Dems drew up (contrary to the state Constitution) a map to lock Republicans into just four of New York’s 26 house seats.

And Hochul embraced it, citing her party loyalty.

State courts rejected that power play and named a special master to draw up a fair, nonpartisan map (exactly as the voters intended when they amended New York’s Constitution).

The Court of Appeals affirmed that decision, and the GOP wound up gaining House seats last fall, for a total of 12.

The difference is why Rep. Hakeem Jeffries (D-B’klyn) is now the House minority leader, not the speaker.

And by all accounts Jeffries is demanding state lawmakers “fix” things.

Which leaves us worried that an unspoken part of Hochul’s high-court compromise is an expectation that, when the suit finally makes it to the Court of Appeals, Halligan will side with the Dems.

Then the Legislature will impose a less-blatant gerrymander to let the Dems recover “their” seats next year.

Every faction of the Democratic Party will be happy, and that’s all that counts in Albany these days.

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Democrats in New York have a real problem with Asians

It’s sure starting to look like New York’s progressives are simply anti-Asian. 

Their latest cause célèbre, the “Good Cause Eviction” bill, aims to effectively bring some 2 million apartments in the city alone under a new statewide rent-control regime.

On top of being a sure housing-killer, it’s gotten the city’s Asian community rightfully up in arms.

Strongly represented among the city’s small-landlord community, they see this as yet another oblique attack on them by arrogant, far-off leftists.

Indeed, an association of Chinese landlords, the New York Small Landlords, has been fighting back against prog policies on eviction since the eviction moratorium — disastrous for smaller landlords — was declared in 2020.

But GCE is only the latest in a string of progressives efforts in the city and Albany that have hurt New York’s Asians. 

Consider the effort to wreck the Big Apple’s merit-based admissions policies to academically rigorous schools. 

The “problem” this aims to correct is precisely that Asian students (many from poorer backgrounds; many the children of immigrants) compete so effectively: 2021 saw them win 54% of freshman seats in selective high schools. 

Mayor Bill de Blasio did major damage to the system on his way out of office, banning competitive tests for most “selective school” admissions, but the new administration left it intact in most of the city.

Which leaves Asian-Americans increasingly looking to charters as a way to find excellence in public education.

But the progs hate charters, too: They’re leading the charge against Gov. Kathy Hochul’s bid to allow dozens more charters to open in the city. If the left succeeds, it means no new charters for Asian neighborhoods.  

Which explains the recent Asian American parents’ pro-charter rally.

Above all, there’s public safety. The left’s criminal-justice “reforms” helped power a massive rise in anti-Asian hate crimes

Like the 2022 murders of Michelle Go and Christina Yuna Lee. 

When New York’s Asian community raised their voices in response, all they got from the crime lovers in the Legislature and elsewhere was pabulum about “white supremacy” — and a total refusal to budge on the cause of the crimes, i.e. laws that leave murderous thugs free to walk the streets. 

It’s no mystery why the left’s policies are so profoundly anti-Asian. 

This minority group’s economic and educational attainments blow to smithereens the lies about America being incurably racist that serve as the basis for most progressive policies. 

But electoral results — with Asian voters swinging right in the governor’s race and New York’s legislative races — shows that Dems’ policies are driving this key demographic away. 

It’s an opportunity for the GOP — and thus for actual democratic rule in the Empire State — if Republicans can only seize it. 

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Albany’s recipe for ever more gun-toting teens

Each day brings more proof that New York’s Raise the Age law has been a disaster not just for the city and state, but for the young people the law supposedly protects.

A 17-year-old boy was shot four times Tuesday near an Upper West Side high school.

The alleged perp, 19-year-old Cheick Coulibaly, was out on bail for a 2021 armed robbery case.

Later that day — in what police say may have been retaliation — an East Harlem shooting saw another kid hit by bullets near another school, Harlem Renaissance HS. 

These blood-stained tragedies are simply the latest fruit of poisonous progressive policies. Gangs seduce ever more teens into lives of violence, knowing full well that their age serves a shield for real consequences. 

That’s why the number of teen shooters and victims has tripled since 2017 when Raise the Age took effect. Gunfire claimed 36 teen victims over the first eight months of 2017; the same period in 2022 saw 111.

Meanwhile, the age at which kids pick up a gun for the first time has plummeted from 16-17 to 12-13. 

Let that sink in.

Because lefty Dems codified their moral posturing on policing into state law, kids are arming themselves as they hit puberty. 

Under Raise the Age, teen shooters routinely get handed cookies and juice by our chronically hapless Family Court (where juvenile cases are almost certain to be tried), then sent on their merry way.

Of course teen violence is soaring: It’s not even a surprise that alleged perp Coulilbaly was walking free when he should’ve been behind bars.

Raise the Age had a noble enough aim: Don’t condemn kids who make stupid mistakes to overly harsh prison terms.

But in practice it’s been an unmitigated disaster, creating deadly situations for the very groups it was supposed to protect. 

Yes, there are other factors. New York’s COVID policies disrupted social life for two years.

The city’s traditional public schools typically fail to deliver for the neediest kids. And family structures and mores have been breaking down for decades. 

But Raise the Age is supercharging all these trends — and fixing it isn’t even on the table in Albany

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Biden’s migrant mess costing New York City $5 million a day

Nearly Five. Million. Dollars. Per Day.

That obscene figure is how much some 30,000 illegal immigrants cost New York City, per Mayor Adams’ emergency management honcho Zach Iscol.

The ultimate two-year tab is projected to exceed $4 billion. It already hit $500 million in mid-February.

And there’s every reason to think they’ll keep coming.

The city has plenty of other places to spend $4.6 million a day: That’s $1.7 billion a year, after all. At some point it’ll have to rethink its promises on “welcoming migrants.”

Shouldn’t the folks irate about reduced public-library hours in Brooklyn be asking questions about putting up migrants in luxe hotels?


The Biden administration has sent $8 million to help fix the migrant problem in New York City.
Getty Images

Certainly, Gotham simply can’t absorb this fiscal burden without major federal help. But Team Biden has so far sent only a measly $8 million.

Which is outrageous: it’s President Biden who created this crisis. From the first day of his administration (actually, before!), he worked to wreck border security via “wave them in” policies and implicit promises of eventual de facto citizenship.

Now we see the fruits. And what is Biden’s response?

Nothing. He shills his joke of a “comprehensive immigration reform” plan, which would “fix” the issue by effectively legalizing the border-crossers.


Mayor Eric Adams delivers remarks at his annual Interfaith Breakfast at the New York Public Library.
Erik Pendzich/Shutterstock

But he does nothing substantive on enforcement, and offers less than crumbs to help the cities the influx is overwhelming.

What’s the plan here? To hope things somehow work out on their own? To wait until after his putative re-election before coming across?

Or will he just stick the Big Apple with a big bill? Thinking the Democratic city will just vote for him anyway? How cynical.

Biden’s indifference here is no less galling just because it’s so typical of him.

But the vast human cost he’s imposing on this front makes it beyond sickening.

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‘Teacher’ Randi Weingarten’s ignorant, anti-democratic rant

Randi Weingarten — the nation’s top teacher, in a sense — seems ignorant of what any child could learn about government from “Schoolhouse Rock.”

The American Federation of Teachers boss made that painfully clear (and we mean painfully) Tuesday by launching into an unhinged tirade in front of the Supreme Court, as justices were hearing challenges to President Joe Biden’s college-loan-forgiveness plan.

“This is what really pisses me off,” she fumed, literally screaming and jumping. During the pandemic, “small businesses were hurting, and we helped them. . . . Big businesses were hurting, and we helped them. And it didn’t go to the Supreme Court.” Yet, “all of a sudden, when it’s about our students . . . the corporations challenge it, the student-loan lenders challenge it.”

Hello? Yes, federal aid helped businesses during the pandemic but only after Congress passed COVID rescue packages to keep the economy afloat. Neither President Donald Trump nor President Biden unilaterally ordered handouts to anyone.


The Supreme Court was hearing challenges to President Biden’s student loan forgiveness plan.
REUTERS

Yet Weingarten (a lawyer as well as an educator!) claims it’s now fine for Biden to forgive hundreds of billions in debt from student loans without lawmakers’ say-so. And that it’s “not fair” for anyone to even challenge that in court.

If only she’d watched those “Schoolhouse Rock” shorts, explaining the separation of powers: Congress passes laws and holds Uncle Sam’s “purse strings.” If student loans are wiped out, that counts as a hit on the US Treasury, even if funds covering those balances (as much as $1 trillion) get rolled into the national debt, as they would.

The president is supposed to execute laws Congress passes; he can’t simply shower mountains of taxpayer dollars on whatever causes he chooses. And if he tries, Americans have every right to ask the courts to stop him.

Yet Biden didn’t even try for lawmakers’ OK on his debt-relief plan; he simply decided to bypass Congress altogether. That’s a thumb in the eye not just to the system but to lawmakers — and the voters who elected them.

Even Team Biden itself admitted he couldn’t act without Congress — until it suddenly changed its mind last year, claiming the power under a beyond-dubious reading of the post-9/11 HEROES Act, which offered relief to soldiers heading to war.

Look: A one-time erasure of student debt never made sense. It cheats those who never had such loans or had them but paid them off. And it benefits only a small group of Americans who, in many cases, won’t truly need the aid. And average taxpayers foot the bill.

But what’s really scary is that the national teachers-union head is so ignorant (or pretends to be) about how our democracy works. No wonder America’s schools are in such sorry shape.

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Biden needs to step up military aid for Ukraine — fast

Does President Joe Biden truly want to end the war in Ukraine? He sure isn’t acting like it — judging from his refusal Friday to supply Kyiv with F-16 fighter jets and his team’s new warnings that it might take up to two years to send over a mere 31 M1 Abrams tanks.

“None of the options” for the tanks, Army Secretary Christine Wormuth said Thursday, involve getting them to Ukraine in “weeks or months,” as the Bidenites promised last month (even then, only after much needless dithering).

Her people are now “exploring” options she “thinks” could take “less than two years.” That’s nuts: In two years, Ukraine might not exist.

Biden then made matters worse the next day, ruling out the F-16s “for now.” How mealy-mouthed.

Ukraine needs both the tanks and the planes now, especially with battlefield action heating up. Soon after the Japanese attacked Pearl Harbor, US factories were turning out an average of 2,000 tanks a month. We can’t get 31 existing tanks to Ukraine in under two years?

And why on Earth would the president be open to sending jets later but not now? And why isn’t he making a clear public case for US support for Ukraine, explaining why it’s plainly in the national interest?

His snail’s-pace, “just trust me” approach only prolongs the war and risks an erosion of US will — though time is not on Ukraine’s (or the West’s) side.


President Biden needs to keep up aid for Ukraine.
AP Photo/Andrew Harnik

In December, Vladimir Putin began mobilizing Russia’s defense industry to ramp up production for a long conflict. Yet with a far smaller population, Ukraine will have a much harder time than Russia replacing lost soldiers as fighting drags on.

Over time, Russia’s advantage is bound to grow — as will the odds of Putin winning part, if not all, of Ukraine, and strengthening positions from which to continue his aggression and further undermine world order.

The Kremlin needs to be defeated not just quickly but completely: A partial win for Putin only kicks the can down the road and confirms his (and other US enemies’) belief that the West has no staying power.

Putin won’t stand down until he’s convinced he can’t win. What will convince him? Massive, overwhelming aid — tanks, jets and whatever other material Ukraine requests — sent quickly.

Biden plainly fears such support might push Putin to go nuclear. Yet a tactical nuke or two wouldn’t actually turn the war, and anything larger guarantees catastrophic reprisals. (Plus, giving in to nuclear blackmail only guarantees more of it, and not just over Ukraine.)

Biden needs to shift gears: Quit the slow-roll, piecemeal step-ups of aid and give Kyiv what it needs for total victory. Now, not later.

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