A Human Rights Watch report on Thursday accused the military of executing residents in Nodin and Soro, including at least 56 children.
Burkina Faso has said a Human Rights Watch report alleging that soldiers killed at least 223 villagers in two attacks on February 25 made “baseless accusations”.
The HRW report on Thursday accused the military of executing residents of Nodin and Soro, including at least 56 children, as part of a campaign against civilians accused of collaborating with rebel fighters. The New York-based group said its report was based on telephone interviews with witnesses, civil society and others.
“The government of Burkina Faso strongly rejects and condemns such baseless accusations,” Communications Minister Rimtalba Jean Emmanuel Ouedraogo said in a statement late on Saturday.
“The killings at Nodin and Soro led to the opening of a legal inquiry,” he said.
The minister expressed his surprise that “while this inquiry is under way to establish the facts and identify the authors, HRW has been able, with boundless imagination, to identify ‘the guilty’ and pronounce its verdict”.
HRW described the massacre as “among the worst army abuse in Burkina Faso since 2015”.
“These mass killings … appear to be part of a widespread military campaign against civilians accused of collaborating with Islamist armed groups, and may amount to crimes against humanity,” HRW said on Thursday.
“Burkinabe authorities should urgently undertake a thorough investigation into the massacres, with support from the African Union and the United Nations to protect its independence and impartiality,” it added.
According to the Burkina statement: “The media campaign orchestrated around these accusations fully shows the unavowed intention … to discredit our fighting forces.”
“All the allegations of violations and abuses of human rights reported in the framework of the fight against terrorism are systematically subject to investigations” followed by the government and the UN High Commissioner for Human Rights, it said.
On Thursday, Burkina Faso suspended the BBC and Voice of America radio networks from broadcasting after they aired the report accusing the army of attacks on civilians in the battle against rebels.
Violence in the region fuelled by the decade-long fight with armed groups linked to al-Qaeda and ISIL (ISIS) has worsened since the respective militaries seized power in Burkina Faso and neighbouring Mali and Niger in a series of coups from 2020 to 2023.
Burkina Faso saw a severe escalation of deadly attacks in 2023, with more than 8,000 people reportedly killed, according to United States-based crisis monitoring group the Armed Conflict Location & Event Data Project (ACLED).
Drug seizures, mainly of cocaine and cannabis resin, have soared in the region, according to a UN report.
Drug seizures have soared in the West African Sahel region, according to a new United Nations report, indicating the conflict-ridden region is becoming an influential route for drug trafficking.
In 2022, 1,466kg (3,232 pounds) of cocaine were seized in Mali, Chad, Burkina Faso and Niger compared to an average of 13kg (28.7 pounds) between 2013 and 2020, said the report released by the UN Office on Drugs and Crime (UNODC) on Friday.
Cocaine is the most seized drug in the Sahel after cannabis resin, the report added.
The location of the Sahel – lying south of the Sahara desert and running from the Atlantic Ocean to the Red Sea – makes it a natural transit point for the increasing amount of cocaine produced in South America and destined for Europe.
The trafficking has detrimental effects on both peace and health, locally and globally, said Amado Philip de Andres, UNODC regional representative in West and Central Africa.
“The involvement of various armed groups in drug trafficking continues to undermine peace and stability in the region,” said Philip de Andres.
The report highlighted that the drug trade provides financial resources to armed groups in the Sahel, where extremist networks have flourished as the region struggles with a recent spate of coups.
“Drug trafficking is facilitated by a wide range of individuals, which can include members of the political elite, community leaders, and leaders of armed groups,” the UNODC said, adding that this enables armed groups to “sustain their involvement in conflict, notably through the purchase of weapons”.
“Traffickers have used their income to penetrate different layers of the state, allowing them to effectively avoid prosecution,” the UNODC added.
‘Urgent, coordinated action’
In recent years, the region has also become an area of drug consumption.
A patrol in southwest Niger on Monday intercepted a shipment of cannabis and Tramadol, an opioid painkiller pill, worth $50,000, according to a national TV announcement.
Corruption and money laundering are major enablers of drug trafficking and recent seizures and arrests revealed that political elite, community leaders and leaders of armed groups facilitate the drug trade in the Sahel, the UN report said.
“States in the Sahel region – along with the international community – must take urgent, coordinated, and comprehensive action to dismantle drug trafficking networks,” said Leonardo Santos Simao, special representative of the UN secretary-general for West Africa.
Lucia Bird, the director of the Observatory of Illicit Economies in West Africa at the Global Initiative Against Transnational Organized Crime, told Al Jazeera that corruption is the grease that keeps the wheels of any criminal market moving.
“The Sahel is also gripped with instability and there are areas the government is struggling to control. And this instability also creates opportunities for criminal markets and drug trafficking,” she noted.
“Right now the priority for the Sahel has to be stabilisation,” Bird said, adding that the entire supply chain should respond to the challenges posed by the drug trade and the responsibility should not just fall on transit countries.
Gwenaelle Habouzit, Herve Fournier and Guillaume Reisacher, who allegedly met civil society leaders, have 48 hours to leave.
Burkina Faso has accused three French diplomats of “subversive activities” and ordered them to leave the country within 48 hours, according to a foreign ministry letter viewed by Reuters and Agence France-Presse (AFP) news agencies.
Burkina Faso’s government did not provide details of the allegations against the expelled diplomats, who it named as Gwenaelle Habouzit, Herve Fournier and Guillaume Reisacher.
Reuters cited a source with direct knowledge of the situation as saying their expulsion was due to meetings they held with civil society leaders.
France’s foreign ministry has yet to comment on the report.
Fraying ties with France
Since coming to power in a September 2022 coup, Burkina Faso’s military government has pulled away from France, its former colonial power, kicking out French troops, suspending some French media, and repeatedly accusing French officials of espionage.
On December 1 last year, Burkinabe authorities arrested four French officials with diplomatic passports in the capital, Ouagadougou, and charged them with spying, according to Le Monde newspaper. The officials, who France claims were working as IT support staff, are under house arrest, according to Burkina Faso security sources.
A year earlier, in December 2022, Ouagadougou also expelled two French nationals working for a Burkina Faso company, accusing them of espionage.
As relations with France deteriorate, Burkina Faso has increasingly turned to Russia, Mali and Niger for security assistance as it struggles to contain fighters linked to the armed groups, al-Qaeda and ISIL (ISIS).
Mali and Burkina Faso recorded most extreme heat in what scientists called a once-in-a-200-year occurrence.
Human-caused climate change contributed to an unusually intense and lethal hot spell throughout West Africa’s Sahel region in April, according to a study by World Weather Attribution (WWA), an international network of scientists focusing on extreme weather events.
The heatwave caused temperatures in Mali and Burkina Faso to climb to more than 45 degrees Celsius (113 degrees Fahrenheit) between April 1 and April 5, an unusual spike for the season that likely led to numerous deaths, said the study published on Thursday.
The extreme weather also coincided with the Muslim holy month of Ramadan and frequent power cuts, heightening the risk of heat-related casualties.
“Even minimum temperatures, overnight, remained relatively high, making it so that people did not get a break from the heat,” the study added.
‘Human-induced’ climate change
The WWA’s observations and climate models found that “heatwaves with the magnitude observed in March and April 2024 in the region would have been impossible to occur without the global warming of 1.2C to date”, which it linked to “human-induced climate change”.
Although the Sahel is accustomed to bouts of heat during this time of year, the extreme hot spell in April would have been 1.4C cooler “if humans had not warmed the planet by burning fossil fuels” such as coal and other activities such as deforestation.
The study noted that the five days of extreme heat was a once-in-a-200-year event.
But it warned that “these trends will continue with future warming”.
The WWA recommended that countries formulate heat action plans that would warn citizens when extreme temperatures are imminent and offer guidance on how to prevent overheating.
It additionally called for strengthening critical infrastructure such as electricity, water, and healthcare systems to adapt to the increasing frequency and intensity of extreme heat.
The length and severity of the extreme heat led to a stark increase in the number of deaths and hospitalisations in Mali and Burkina Faso, the WWA said.
In the Gabriel Toure hospital in Bamako, the capital of Mali, more than 100 deaths were reported between April 1 and 4, compared with 130 deaths for the entire month of March.
A lack of data in the affected countries makes it impossible to precisely estimate the number of heat-related deaths, said the WWA, adding there were likely hundreds, if not thousands, of other heat-related casualties.
The scientists said that rapid urbanisation and loss of green spaces in cities such as Bamako and Ouagadougou, the capital of Burkina Faso, have increased the urban heat island effect, which makes parts of cities significantly warmer than others.
Countries in the Sahel region have had to contend with drought since the 1970s, as well as periods of intense rainfall from the 1990s.
The dwindling availability of water and pasture, compounded by the development of agricultural land, has disrupted the lives of pastoral populations and encouraged the emergence of armed groups that have extended their hold over vast swaths of territory in Mali, Burkina Faso and Niger.
This small fishing village on the Atlantic coast some 100km (62 miles) from Senegal’s capital, Dakar, is a site of pilgrimage for the country’s Christian minority.
For the past 135 years, pilgrims – including the pope – have travelled here to pray at a site where they say the Black Madonna appeared.
Some believe miracles happen in this village.
It is a place where the sick come to be cured.
Politicians also come here to get elected.
Their campaigns arrive with blaring mbalax music – the popular dance tunes of Senegal – free T-shirts, and sometimes handfuls of cash and a promise that if you “vote for us, your despair will turn to hope”.
“Politicians think they can make miracles,” one of my neighbours tells me with a hint of irony.
Senegalese voters are not duped though.
Voters gather in Popenguine-Ndayane in the days leading up to Senegal’s election [Nicolas Haque/Al Jazeera]
Macky Sall’s announcement
Voting is a tradition that precedes French colonial rule in Senegal: From the poet-President Leopold Sedar Senghor down to the current presidency of Macky Sall, there have only ever been peaceful transitions of power.
That is a source of pride for Senegal, which is surrounded by countries ruled by military governments. Niger, Burkina Faso, Mali – one after the other – the former French colonies in West Africa that became democracies are falling; a domino effect that has spared this small coastal nation of approximately 17 million.
Situated on the most westerly tip of Africa, Senegal remains standing as a bastion of democracy.
But then came that Saturday afternoon in early February when, just hours before the presidential election campaign was scheduled to kick off, journalists were told the president would address the nation.
Sensing trouble, colleagues called me. We were incredulous as we waited. We watched an old man play a traditional instrument until the president was ready to make his address.
Hours had passed. It seemed like a bad omen, or perhaps a distraction.
Then the national anthem played and President Sall appeared.
A colleague, her husband, and an entire nation – including the family dog – stood still in silence, ears alert and listening as the president made history for all the wrong reasons.
The president claimed that the process by which the list of election candidates was drawn up by the country’s constitutional council was flawed. Judges from the council, he continued, were suspected of taking bribes to eliminate candidates from running in the election, thus putting into doubt the outcome of the vote.
Some sighed in resignation. Others burst into fits of anger. Our family dog barked with rage.
Nicolas Haque in Popenguine-Ndayane [Courtesy of Nicolas Haque]
We had seen it coming, though.
Months before the polls, Sall – always a shrewd politician – had left his intention ambiguous as to whether he would run for a third mandate as president.
Julie Sagna watched Sall’s speech at home.
At the age of 32, she had never taken the time to vote. But when members of Senegal’s security forces stormed the National Assembly, throwing members of the opposition out, she knew that she was being robbed of a fundamental right that she had long taken for granted.
“I couldn’t believe it,” she said.
“The president is orchestrating a constitutional coup to extend his time in power!”
Sagna took to TikTok to fight back. Others clashed with security forces.
After political manoeuvres and street protests, the Constitutional Council stepped in, announcing a new election date of March 24.
That shortened the campaigning period to two weeks, but scheduled the vote to be held before Sall’s mandate as president ended on April 2.
Campaigning
Meanwhile, Sall, seeing his reputation crumble on the international scene, signed an amnesty bill to free what human rights groups describe as political prisoners. Thousands were released, including opposition leader Ousmane Sonko and his deputy Bassirou Diomaye Faye – the election candidate representing the banned political party PASTEF.
But the campaign had started without him.
Getting a head start in canvassing voters was the governing party’s candidate and former prime minister, Amadou Ba.
Ba crisscrossed the nation with a throng of bodyguards and with the well-oiled machine of the state apparatus to support him. Several reputable PR firms from the West were also tasked with making him appear a man of the people, ready to deliver stability.
A former tax inspector who became prime minister, Ba is an experienced civil servant. But he has never been elected to office. During the 2022 parliamentary elections, he lost to the banned PASTEF party’s candidate in his home district of Parcelles Assainies. Yet, despite that defeat, he is the candidate of choice of President Sall.
Described by his critics as the “billionaire civil servant” – billions in local West African CFA franc currency, that is – the opposition accuse Ba of being another corrupt politician trying to make a buck by becoming president.
Ba’s former employee – and also a tax inspector – Bassirou Diomaye Faye is running against him after his recent release from prison.
During a weeklong campaign supported by opposition figure Ousmane Sonko, Faye has gone from unknown contender to political stardom. He was seen on top of a car, waving a traditional broom – symbolising his intent to sweep the country clean of corruption and also sweep to victory. As the anti-establishment candidate, Faye is calling for an overhaul of the political system.
For many young people, including Julie Sagna, Faye is a break with the past that young people feel they need to move the country forward.
Supporters cheer as Senegalese opposition leader Ousmane Sonko holds a joint news conference with the presidential candidate he is backing in the March 24 election, Bassirou Diomaye Faye, a day after they were released from prison, in Dakar, Senegal on March 15, 2024 [Zohra Bensemra/Reuters]
Where elections are won
In Mbour – located not far from the pilgrimage village of Popenguine-Ndayane – Faye held his final campaign rally in front of a raucous crowd.
Among those who attended, many were young men. It is uncertain whether they will come out to vote in the election on Sunday. Many do not have voter registration cards.
Missing from Faye’s rallies was a key demographic: Senegalese women from the countryside.
Their vote can tip the outcome.
“It is away from the bustle of the capital or the blaring caravans of candidates, deep in the countryside beneath the village tree that elections are won in Senegal,” a traditional village healer tells me.
In Popenguine-Ndayane there is talk among the local women of a country they feel is no longer their own. A record number of mostly young Senegalese men travelled to Europe illegally in 2023. They went in search of work despite a booming economy at home. The mothers and sisters of Popenguine-Ndayane do not want to see their sons and brothers leave.
Like the Black Madonna that pilgrims come to venerate here, Senegal’s women can also make miracles happen at election time.
But, more than the free T-shirts and cash given to win their votes, what they want to see most of all is certainty in times of uncertainty.
The West African Sahel nation has been struggling to contain armed groups for a decade.
Around 170 people were “executed” in attacks on three villages in northern Burkina Faso a week ago, a regional prosecutor has said, as violence flares in the country.
Aly Benjamin Coulibaly said in a statement on Sunday that he had received reports of the attacks on the villages of Komsilga, Nodin and Soroe in Yatenga province on February 25, with a provisional toll of “around 170 people executed”.
The attacks left others wounded and caused material damage, the prosecutor for the northern town of Ouahigouya said, without apportioning blame to any group.
He said his office ordered an investigation and appealed to the public for information.
Ongoing violence
Survivors of the attacks told news agency AFP that dozens of women and young children were among the victims.
Local security sources cited by AFP said the attacks were separate from deadly incidents that happened on the same day at a mosque in the rural community of Natiaboani in eastern Burkina Faso and a church in the northern village of Essakane.
Authorities have yet to release an official death toll for those attacks, but a senior church official said at the time that at least 15 civilians were killed in the Natiaboani attack.
About half of Burkina Faso is outside government control, as armed groups have ravaged the country for years.
The violence has killed almost 20,000 people and displaced more than two million people in one of the world’s poorest countries in a region wracked by instability.
Anger at the state’s inability to end the insecurity played a major role in two military coups in 2022.
Current head of state Captain Ibrahim Traore has prioritised a strong security response in reclaiming land from the rebel groups.
Ibrahim Traore gives a news conference on October 2, 2022, in Ouagadougou, Burkina Faso [Anadolu Agency]
Coordinated attacks
There were a number of attacks on February 25, notably against a military detachment in Tankoualou in the east, a rapid response battalion in Kongoussi in the north and soldiers in the northern region of Ouahigouya.
In response, the army and members of the Volunteers for the Defence of the Fatherland (VDP), a civilian force that supports the military, launched operations that were able “to neutralise several hundred terrorists”, according to security sources cited by AFP.
At the beginning of the week, Security Minister Mahamadou Sana described the wave of attacks as “coordinated”.
“This change in the enemy’s tactical approach is because terrorist bases have been destroyed as well as training camps, and actions were carried out to dry up the enemy’s source of financing, as well as its supply corridors,” said Sana.
Mosques and imams have in the past been the target of attacks blamed on armed groups.
Churches in Burkina Faso have also at times been targeted and Christians have been kidnapped.
The Armed Conflict Location & Event Data Project (ACLED) says that 439 people were killed in such violence in January alone.
Gunmen attacked a community as they gathered for prayers in the northern village of Essakane, church official says.
At least 15 Catholic worshippers have been killed in a Burkina Faso village when gunmen attacked a community as they gathered for mass at a church in the country’s conflict-hit northern region, church officials said.
Sunday’s violence in the village of Essakane was a “terrorist attack” that left 12 attendees dead at the scene, while three others died later as they were being treated for their wounds, according to a statement issued by Abbot Jean-Pierre Sawadogo, vicar-general of the Catholic Diocese of Dori, where the attack happened.
He said two others were injured in the attack.
There was no immediate claim of responsibility for the shooting.
“In this painful circumstance, we invite you to pray for the rest in God for those who have died in faith, for the healing of the wounded and … for the conversion of those who continue to sow death and desolation in our country,” Sawadogo said in a statement.
The shooting took place in a region where armed groups have carried out several attacks, some of which have targeted Christian churches while others have involved the abduction of clergy.
About half of Burkina Faso is outside government control, as armed groups have ravaged the country for years. Fighters have killed thousands and displaced more than two million people, further threatening the stability of the nation, which experienced two coups in 2022.
The country’s military rulers have struggled to restore peace in violent areas since the first coup in January 2022. The number of people killed by armed groups has nearly tripled compared with the 18 previous months, according to an August 2023 report by the Africa Center for Strategic Studies.
In addition to the limited capacity of the military government, the security situation has been worsened by the country’s porous borders with Mali and Niger, both of which are also run by military officials and also struggle with security crises.
The West African regional bloc is lifting most sanctions imposed on Niger over last year’s coup, in a new push for dialogue following a series of political crises that have rocked the region in recent months.
A no-fly zone and border closures were among the sanctions being lifted “with immediate effect”, the president of the Economic Community of West African States (ECOWAS) Commission, Omar Alieu Touray, said on Saturday.
The lifting of the sanctions is “on purely humanitarian grounds” to ease the suffering caused as a result, Touray told reporters after the bloc’s summit in the Nigerian capital, Abuja.
The summit aimed to address existential threats facing the region as well as implore three military-led nations that have quit the bloc – Niger, Mali and Burkina Faso – to rescind their decision.
The three were suspended from ECOWAS following recent coups.
Since then, they have declared their intention to permanently withdraw from the bloc, but ECOWAS has called for the three states to return.
Speaking in his opening remarks at the start of the summit, ECOWAS chairman and Nigerian President Bola Tinubu said the bloc “must re-examine our current approach to the quest for constitutional order in four of our Member States”, referring to the three suspended countries, as well as Guinea, which is also military-led.
Tinubu urged Niger, Mali and Burkina Faso to “reconsider the decision” and said they should “not perceive our organisation as the enemy”.
ECOWAS also said it had lifted certain sanctions on Malian individuals and some on junta-led Guinea, which has not said it wants to leave the bloc but has also not committed to a timeline to return to democratic rule.
Touray said some targeted sanctions and political sanctions remained place for Niger, without giving details.
Gesture of appeasement
Reporting from the summit in Abuja, Al Jazeera’s Ahmed Idris said, “Almost all the sanctions imposed on Niger have been lifted,” including land, sea, and air blockades, and sanctions barring Niger from economic and financial institutions in the region.
However, ECOWAS placed “some conditions” on the lifting of the sanctions, he added. “They want the immediate release of President Mohamed Bazoum and members of his family.”
Niger’s President Bazoum was deposed in a military coup last July, prompting ECOWAS to suspend trade and impose sanctions on the country. He is still imprisoned in the presidential palace in Niamey. On the eve of the summit, his lawyers urged ECOWAS to demand his release.
Earlier this week, ECOWAS co-founder and former Nigerian military leader General Yakubu Gowon also called for the bloc to lift “all sanctions that have been imposed on Burkina Faso, Guinea, Mali and Niger”.
“Even before today’s summit, there has been a change in tone, in language and also the approach of ECOWAS entirely to the sanctions and embargoes imposed on these three West African countries,” Idris said.
Easing sanctions is seen as a gesture of appeasement as ECOWAS tries to persuade the three states to remain in the nearly 50-year-old alliance and rethink a withdrawal. Their planned exit would undermine regional integration efforts and bring a messy disentanglement from the bloc’s trade and services flows, worth nearly $150bn a year.
ECOWAS on Saturday gave the three military-led countries “an opportunity to be members of the organisation once again”, Idris said, adding that they asked them to be part of “technical discussions of the ECOWAS bloc” without restoring them as full participating heads of state at summits or major conferences.
After Mali, Burkina Faso and Niger announced that they would permanently withdraw from the alliance and formed a grouping called the Alliance of Sahel States, “the ECOWAS institution itself was shaken”, Idris said.
“[ECOWAS] is an organisation that is gradually losing its steam, and there is the danger of it being fragmented … There is also the concern that unless ECOWAS brings these people back into the fold, there is the danger of coups spreading in West Africa,” he added.
The three nations, led by military governments, accused the regional bloc of becoming a threat to member states.
Three military-led West African nations have announced their immediate withdrawal from regional bloc ECOWAS, accusing the body of becoming a threat to its members.
Niger, Mali and Burkina Faso “decide in complete sovereignty on the immediate withdrawal” from the Economic Community of West African States (ECOWAS), read a joint statement published on Sunday.
ECOWAS “under the influence of foreign powers, betraying its founding principles, has become a threat to its member states and its population”, read the statement.
The three countries accused the regional body of failing to support their fight against “terrorism and insecurity”, while imposing “illegal, illegitimate, inhumane and irresponsible sanctions”.
ECOWAS said in a statement that it had not been notified of the countries’ decision to quit the bloc. Its protocol provides that withdrawal takes up to one year to be completed.
“Burkina Faso, Niger and Mali remain important members of the Community and the Authority remains committed to finding a negotiated solution to the political impasse,” it said.
Widely seen as West Africa’s top political and regional authority, the 15-nation bloc of ECOWAS – formed in 1975 to “promote economic integration” in member states – has struggled in recent years to reverse rampant coups in the region where citizens have complained of not benefitting from rich natural resources.
Military power grabs took place in Mali in 2020 and 2021, in Burkina Faso in 2022 and in Niger in 2023.
The regional body reacted by suspending all three countries and imposed heavy sanctions on Niger and Mali.
On Friday, Niger tried to amend ties with ECOWAS by inviting its representatives to the capital Niamey, but only representation from Togo showed up.
“There is bad faith within this organisation,” lamented Ali Mahaman Lamine Zeine, Niger’s army-appointed prime minister.
Military leaderships in the three nations have vowed to tackle the rise of violent armed groups in their countries and have joined forces in the so-called “Alliance of Sahel States”.
The three countries have cut military ties with France, the former colonial power. France once had a strong presence across the Sahel, but announced the withdrawal of its troops from the three countries after the coups.
The French military withdrawal and economic sanctions on already fragile economies have heightened concern that armed groups could spread southwards towards the relatively stable coastal countries of Ghana, Togo, Benin and Ivory Coast.
West Africa recorded more than 1,800 attacks in the first six months of 2023, resulting in nearly 4,600 deaths and creating dire humanitarian consequences. According to an ECOWAS top regional official, this was just “a snippet of the horrendous impact of insecurity”.
We use cookies on our website to give you the most relevant experience by remembering your preferences and repeat visits. By clicking “Accept”, you consent to the use of ALL the cookies.
This website uses cookies to improve your experience while you navigate through the website. Out of these, the cookies that are categorized as necessary are stored on your browser as they are essential for the working of basic functionalities of the website. We also use third-party cookies that help us analyze and understand how you use this website. These cookies will be stored in your browser only with your consent. You also have the option to opt-out of these cookies. But opting out of some of these cookies may affect your browsing experience.
Necessary cookies are absolutely essential for the website to function properly. These cookies ensure basic functionalities and security features of the website, anonymously.
Cookie
Duration
Description
cookielawinfo-checkbox-analytics
11 months
This cookie is set by GDPR Cookie Consent plugin. The cookie is used to store the user consent for the cookies in the category "Analytics".
cookielawinfo-checkbox-functional
11 months
The cookie is set by GDPR cookie consent to record the user consent for the cookies in the category "Functional".
cookielawinfo-checkbox-necessary
11 months
This cookie is set by GDPR Cookie Consent plugin. The cookies is used to store the user consent for the cookies in the category "Necessary".
cookielawinfo-checkbox-others
11 months
This cookie is set by GDPR Cookie Consent plugin. The cookie is used to store the user consent for the cookies in the category "Other.
cookielawinfo-checkbox-performance
11 months
This cookie is set by GDPR Cookie Consent plugin. The cookie is used to store the user consent for the cookies in the category "Performance".
viewed_cookie_policy
11 months
The cookie is set by the GDPR Cookie Consent plugin and is used to store whether or not user has consented to the use of cookies. It does not store any personal data.
Functional cookies help to perform certain functionalities like sharing the content of the website on social media platforms, collect feedbacks, and other third-party features.
Performance cookies are used to understand and analyze the key performance indexes of the website which helps in delivering a better user experience for the visitors.
Analytical cookies are used to understand how visitors interact with the website. These cookies help provide information on metrics the number of visitors, bounce rate, traffic source, etc.
Advertisement cookies are used to provide visitors with relevant ads and marketing campaigns. These cookies track visitors across websites and collect information to provide customized ads.
