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Minutes after it became clear that Javier Milei had been elected president of South America’s second-largest nation in November, Elon Musk posted on X: “Prosperity is ahead for Argentina.”

Since then, Mr. Musk has continued to use X, the social network he owns, to boost Mr. Milei. The billionaire has shared videos of the Argentine president attacking “social justice” with his 182 million followers. One doctored image, which implied that watching a speech by Mr. Milei was better than having sex, is among Mr. Musk’s most viewed posts ever.

Mr. Musk has helped turn the pugnacious libertarian into one of the new faces of the modern right. But offline, he has used the relationship to press for benefits to his other businesses, the electric carmaker Tesla and the rocket company SpaceX.

“Elon Musk called me,” Mr. Milei said in a television interview weeks after taking office. “He is extremely interested in the lithium.”

Mr. Musk has declared lithium — the silvery-white element that is the main component in Tesla’s car batteries — “the new oil.” Tesla has long bought lithium from Argentina, which has the world’s second-largest reserves. Now Mr. Milei is pushing for major benefits for international lithium miners, which would likely give Tesla a more stable — and potentially cheaper — flow of one of its most critical resources.

Mr. Milei is part of a pattern by Mr. Musk of fostering relationships with a constellation of right-wing heads of state, with clear beneficiaries: his companies and himself.

Mr. Musk, 52, has repeatedly used one piece of his business empire — X, formerly known as Twitter — to vocally support politicians like Mr. Milei, Jair Bolsonaro of Brazil and Narendra Modi of India. On the platform, Mr. Musk has backed their views on gender, feted their opposition to socialism and aggressively confronted their enemies. Mr. Musk even personally intervened in X’s content policies in ways that appeared to aid Mr. Bolsonaro, two former X employees said.

Mr. Musk, in turn, has pushed for and won corporate advantages for his most lucrative businesses, Tesla and SpaceX, according to an examination by The New York Times. In India, he secured lower import tariffs for Tesla’s vehicles. In Brazil, he opened a major new market for Starlink, SpaceX’s satellite internet service. In Argentina, he solidified access to the mineral most crucial to Tesla’s batteries.

Mr. Musk’s endorsement has given many nationalist and right-wing heads of state more international cachet, which they have eagerly promoted as a validation of their policies and popularity. Last month, as India began holding an election, Mr. Modi prepared to host Mr. Musk in New Delhi, calling the billionaire’s visit a testament to his leadership.

“People are coming, and they are trusting me,” the Indian prime minister said in a televised interview before Mr. Musk postponed his trip.

Mr. Musk, Tesla, SpaceX and X did not respond to requests for comment.

No other American megabillionaire businessperson has so publicly fostered ideological relationships with world leaders to advance personal politics and businesses. Bill Gates, Microsoft’s co-founder turned philanthropist, engaged in political diplomacy largely after stepping back from corporate life. Other chief executives typically stay quiet about meetings with politicians.

Mr. Musk’s politics have long been guided by his businesses, said five former Tesla and SpaceX executives who worked closely with him and were not authorized to speak publicly. In the 2010s, he built an alliance with President Barack Obama as Tesla and SpaceX welcomed federal assistance and contracts. He remains close to some mainstream leaders, notably President Emmanuel Macron of France.

But as populism and nationalism spread, Mr. Musk courted Xi Jinping in China and supported Benjamin Netanyahu in Israel, Turkey’s Recep Tayyip Erdogan and Italy’s Giorgia Meloni. He began criticizing the “woke mind virus” and what he has declared the failings of the left, which he says have led to issues such as illegal immigration and declining birthrates.

“I guess if you consider fighting the woke mind virus, which I consider to be a civilizational threat, to be political, then yes,” Mr. Musk said in a podcast in November when asked if he was becoming more political. “Woke mind virus is communism rebranded.”

INDIA

A Long Game

In September 2015, Mr. Musk welcomed Mr. Modi to Tesla’s factory in Fremont, Calif. Mr. Modi, a Hindu nationalist politician, had been elected India’s prime minister a year earlier when his Bharatiya Janata Party swept to power, and was visiting the United States to meet business leaders.

Standing under Indian and U.S. flags at the factory, Mr. Musk and Mr. Modi posed for photographs near a gleaming red Model S car. They discussed how “solar panels and battery packs” could power rural regions in India without electrical lines, Mr. Musk said at the time.

“I understood his vision,” Mr. Modi later said.

It was one of the first instances of Mr. Musk’s publicly meeting a nationalist leader. And it was the beginning of a long game between him and Mr. Modi, a relationship that took years to develop — and that started paying off for Mr. Musk after he bought X.

India is a potentially massive market for Tesla, which needs to expand to new regions to grow. But the country has virtually barred electric vehicles built by foreign manufacturers. In recent years, the tariff India imposes on imported electric vehicles has risen as high as 100 percent.

Mr. Musk initially used traditional personal diplomacy, meeting with Mr. Modi and ordering his staff at Tesla to get close to officials. In 2017, Tesla sent a letter to India’s government to kick-start talks on operating in the country. Another overture to Mr. Modi’s government in 2019 was rebuffed, three people with knowledge of the company said.

After Mr. Musk bought Twitter in 2022, he had a new lever. The platform, renamed X, is widely used in India — including by Mr. Modi, who has nearly 98 million followers — and is a major forum of political discussion.

Before Mr. Musk owned the platform, Twitter tangled with Mr. Modi’s government. The company, which complies with requests to block certain content in India, had sued the government and challenged its power to censor online material.

Under Mr. Musk, X blocked posts last year that linked to a BBC documentary examining Mr. Modi’s role in the 2002 Hindu-Muslim riots in Gujarat, where he was the chief minister at the time. Twitter’s lawsuit against the Indian government was dismissed in July.

In a discussion last year with Twitter employees, Mr. Musk intimated that he was personally close with Mr. Modi. He said he could easily call the prime minister to take care of a content issue, two former employees said. It’s unclear if any conversation took place.

Mr. Musk met Mr. Modi in person again last June when the prime minister visited New York. He called himself a “fan of Modi” and said Mr. Modi was “pushing us to make significant investment in India, which is something that we intend to do.”

By then, Tesla employees were again talking with Mr. Modi’s advisers about a reduction in tariffs and investing in India, two people familiar with the conversations said. Rohan Patel, who was Tesla’s vice president of public policy and business development, traveled to India several times, and Piyush Goyal, India’s commerce minister, visited the Fremont factory in November.

In January, Mr. Musk posted on X that India should receive a permanent seat on the United Nations Security Council, which would boost India’s international standing. “India not having a permanent seat on the Security Council, despite being the most populous country on Earth, is absurd,” he wrote.

The timing suggests that Mr. Modi noticed. Two months later, India announced it was reducing some import duties for electric carmakers that committed at least $500 million to produce vehicles in the country. The policy dropped tariffs to 15 percent of a car’s price from 100 percent, specifically for electric vehicles that retail for more than $35,000.

The description fit Tesla to a T. Its Model 3 cars ship at $38,990. BYD, the fast-growing Chinese electric vehicle maker, is barred from investing in India on national security grounds.

Last month, Tesla scouted potential factory sites in three Indian states, three people familiar with the process said. Mr. Musk had also said he would visit Mr. Modi in New Delhi during the country’s multiweek general election, before delaying the trip, citing obligations with Tesla.

Mr. Musk promised not to stay away for long. “I do very much look forward to visiting later this year,” he wrote on X.

BRAZIL

‘True Legend of Freedom’

By 2021, Mr. Musk was employing a similar courtship to bring his Starlink satellite internet service to Brazil, which was then led by Mr. Bolsonaro, the right-wing populist president elected three years earlier. At the time, Starlink was in its infancy, with fewer than 150,000 users across 25 countries.

In October 2021, Fábio Faria, Brazil’s communications minister and an organizer of Mr. Bolsonaro’s re-election campaign, sent a letter to Mr. Musk, saying that “Starlink and Brazil can become great partners,” according to correspondence obtained through the country’s open records laws.

Weeks later, Mr. Faria visited Mr. Musk in Texas. After returning to Brazil, Mr. Faria pushed regulators to approve Starlink, at one point urging Brazil’s space agency to stay out of any debate about SpaceX’s satellites over the country, he later testified to Brazil’s Congress.

Brazil’s regulators approved Starlink for operation in December 2021, seven months after the service first applied. It was the fastest of five approvals that regulators granted to satellite internet providers.

Mr. Musk later lent a hand to Mr. Bolsonaro, who faced an uphill battle in his 2022 re-election campaign.

On May 20 that year, Mr. Musk made a surprise trip to Brazil for a major announcement alongside the president. Starlink was coming to the country, and it would provide internet connectivity to 19,000 rural schools, as well as environmental monitoring of the Amazon, they said at an event in a resort near São Paulo. Mr. Bolsonaro gave Mr. Musk a medal and called him a “true legend of freedom” for his bid that year to buy Twitter.

There was just one catch: The plan to connect schools never materialized, said Carlos Baigorri, Brazil’s chief telecommunications regulator, who helped approve Starlink’s entry into the country. “I don’t really think that it even existed,” he said of the plan.

Brazilian officials said they had no record of Starlink’s connecting Brazilian schools for free or conducting environmental monitoring.

Mr. Musk and Mr. Bolsonaro benefited anyway. Mr. Musk had entrenched SpaceX in a critical market, where Starlink now has 150,000 active accounts, according to Brazil’s telecommunications regulator. Mr. Bolsonaro’s campaign got to promote the president’s business acumen and cast him as a defender of the Amazon before an election.

Mr. Musk’s favor did not prevent Mr. Bolsonaro from losing the presidency to Luiz Inácio Lula da Silva, Brazil’s leftist former president, in October 2022. But within weeks, Mr. Musk, who had just completed his deal for Twitter, tried helping Mr. Bolsonaro again.

Mr. Bolsonaro’s supporters had started pushing accusations on Twitter that Brazilian judges had tilted the election by ordering social networks to remove right-wing posts and accounts. As they camped outside military bases demanding the election be overturned, Mr. Musk fed their suspicions by suggesting that Twitter’s former bosses had contributed to Mr. Bolsonaro’s defeat.

“It’s possible that Twitter personnel gave preference to left wing candidates,” he posted in December 2022, without citing any evidence. He later wrote that the company “may have people on the Brazil team that are strongly politically biased.”

Mr. Musk got involved in deciding which posts about Brazil’s election results should stay up or be taken down, two former Twitter employees said. Even after Mr. Musk was briefed about the risk of violence in Brazil that winter, he ordered employees to stop enforcing Twitter’s election rules in the country, including a policy forbidding users to spread misleading claims about election results, they said. He told them to remove only posts that directly incited violence or were subject to a court order.

In January 2023, thousands of Mr. Bolsonaro’s supporters stormed Brazil’s Congress, Supreme Court and presidential offices, under the false belief that the election had been stolen.

Mr. Musk has since used X to attack one of Mr. Bolsonaro’s main political opponents, Alexandre de Moraes, a Brazilian Supreme Court justice who has overseen investigations into the former president and his supporters. X has blocked more than 100 accounts on orders from Justice Moraes, who has said many of them threatened Brazil’s democracy.

“This judge has brazenly and repeatedly betrayed the constitution and people of Brazil,” Mr. Musk posted on X in April. “He should resign or be impeached.”

At a rally called by Mr. Bolsonaro in Rio de Janeiro last month, his supporters held signs thanking Mr. Musk.

When Mr. Bolsonaro addressed the crowd, he hailed the billionaire as “the man who really preserves true freedom for us all.”

ARGENTINA

A Meeting of the Minds

In 2022, one of Tesla’s lithium suppliers announced a $1.1 billion investment to expand in Argentina. Since then, Mr. Musk has taken a keen interest in Argentine politics — and particularly Mr. Milei — leading to one of the most pronounced bromances among Mr. Musk’s political relationships.

Mr. Milei “would be quite a change,” Mr. Musk wrote on X in September in response to a post from the former Fox News host Tucker Carlson, who had called the then-candidate “Argentina’s next president.”

Mr. Milei, a libertarian economist and TV pundit, campaigned on getting the government out of the economy and tying Argentina more closely to the United States. Like Mr. Musk, he frequently insults critics, has an intense social media habit and is deeply worried about the threat from “woke” culture.

Days before Mr. Milei’s inauguration in December, they spoke directly for the first time, and Mr. Musk asked about Argentina’s lithium. In the months since, Mr. Milei has been pushing legislation that would make extracting Argentina’s lithium far more attractive to foreign investors.

His sweeping bill, which would grant him broad emergency powers over Argentina’s economy and energy for the next year, includes a major benefit for Tesla: significant incentives for foreign investors in large projects, particularly in mining.

Such companies would receive substantial tax cuts, customs exemptions and foreign-exchange benefits, as well as tax and regulatory certainty for the next 30 years. Tesla’s lithium supplier is likely to qualify. If so, Mr. Milei’s plan would give Tesla unusual stability and predictability in its access to lithium in Argentina until at least 2054.

The proposal passed Argentina’s lower chamber of Congress on April 30.

Mr. Musk has already seen other dividends from Mr. Milei. In one of his first acts as president, Mr. Milei passed an executive order with 366 provisions. When summarizing the highlights of the order in a televised address, Mr. Milei mentioned just one corporate brand by name: Starlink.

SpaceX had pushed for Starlink’s approval in Argentina since 2022, but faced a bureaucratic jam. Mr. Milei quickly cut regulations on satellite internet, and Starlink began operating in the country in March.

Mr. Milei, in turn, has benefited: Mr. Musk has become his most influential online promoter. In January, Mr. Musk shared videos of Mr. Milei’s speech at the World Economic Forum, in which the leader claimed communism and social justice were the main threats to the West.

The posts set off a frenzy of praise for the Argentine across right-wing corners of the internet, including from Donald J. Trump, the presumptive Republican presidential nominee, who met with Mr. Milei in February at the Conservative Political Action Conference outside Washington. Mr. Milei hugged Mr. Trump and told him he was rooting for him.

Last month, Mr. Milei traveled to Austin, Texas, to visit Mr. Musk at Tesla’s factory there. The two men agreed to “open markets and defend the ideas of freedom,” according to a statement from Mr. Milei’s office. The statement did not mention lithium.

Later, Gerardo Werthein, Argentina’s ambassador to the United States, told the Argentine newspaper La Nación that the pair had indeed discussed Argentina’s mineral reserves.

Mr. Musk “had a very good view of everything we have,” Mr. Werthein said, “especially lithium.”

On Monday, Mr. Musk and Mr. Milei met again, this time at a conference in Los Angeles. Mr. Milei called the entrepreneur “my friend” in a speech in which he praised Mr. Musk’s effort to reach Mars. A few hours later, Mr. Musk posted a photo of the two men with their thumbs up.

“I recommend investing in Argentina,” he wrote.

Reporting was contributed by Jason Horowitz from Rome, Kate Conger from San Francisco, Sameer Yasir from New Delhi, Paulo Motoryn from Brasília, Lucía Cholakian Herrera from Buenos Aires and Ishaan Jhaveri from New York.

Richard “Rick” Slayman, who made history at age 62 as the first person to receive a kidney from a genetically modified pig, has died about two months after the procedure.

Massachusetts General Hospital, where Mr. Slayman had the operation, said in a statement on Saturday that its transplant team was “deeply saddened” at his death. The hospital said it had “no indication that it was the result of his recent transplant.”

Mr. Slayman, who was Black, had end-stage kidney disease, a condition that affects more than 800,000 people in the United States, according to the federal government, with disproportionately higher rates among Black people.

There are far too few kidneys available for donation. Nearly 90,000 people are on the national waiting list for a kidney.

Mr. Slayman, a supervisor for the state transportation department from Weymouth, Mass., had received a human kidney in 2018. When it began to fail in 2023 and he developed congestive heart failure, his doctors suggested he try one from a modified pig.

“I saw it not only as a way to help me, but a way to provide hope for the thousands of people who need a transplant to survive,” he said in a hospital news release in March.

His surgery, which lasted four hours, was a medical milestone. For decades, proponents of so-called xenotransplantation have proposed replacing ailing human organs with those from animals. The main problem with the approach is the human immune system, which rejects animal tissue as foreign, often leading to serious complications.

Recent advances in genetic engineering have allowed researchers to tweak the genes of the animal organs to make them more compatible with their recipients.

The pig kidney that was transplanted into Mr. Slayman was engineered by eGenesis, a biotech company based in Cambridge, Mass. Scientists there removed three genes and added seven others to improve compatibility. The company also inactivated retroviruses that pigs carry and could be harmful to humans.

“Mr. Slayman was a true pioneer,” eGenesis said in a statement on social media on Saturday. “His courage has helped to forge a path forward for current and future patients suffering from kidney failure.”

Mr. Slayman was discharged from the hospital two weeks after his surgery, with “one of the cleanest bills of health I’ve had in a long time,” he said at the time.

In a statement published by the hospital, Mr. Slayman’s family said he was kind, quick-witted and “fiercely dedicated to his family, friends and co-workers.” They said they had taken great comfort in knowing that his case had inspired so many people.

“Millions of people worldwide have come to know Rick’s story,” they said in the statement. “We felt — and still feel — comforted by the optimism he provided patients desperately waiting for a transplant.”

When Hamas attacked Israel on Oct. 7, it ignited not only one of the worst conflicts in recent Middle East history, but also an ideological firestorm around the world. Some viewed the war through the prism of the Hamas attack on Israel, which killed 1,200 people and took an estimated 240 hostages. On the other side, Israel’s retaliatory bombing and occupation of Gaza, which has killed more than 34,000 Palestinians, galvanized a global movement against the actions of the Jewish state.

The intensity of the conflict and the emotions it set off has made this an especially challenging war to cover. Our commitment is to provide probing, independent journalism about the biggest stories, however strong the partisan feelings about them may be. This has been the most divisive story I’ve experienced in my more than three decades in journalism.

So it was especially gratifying that our team of reporters, photographers and video journalists on Monday won the Pulitzer Prize for International Reporting for their coverage of the war. We had earlier won similar honors from the George Polk Awards and the Overseas Press Club, which are among the most prestigious prizes in journalism.

Our team is living through this conflict as well as covering it. Some of those reporting on it are Muslim, others Jewish. Some speak Arabic, others Hebrew. Some know people killed or captured on Oct. 7. Others were born and raised in Gaza, with relatives killed and scattered by the bombardment. We worked together to use our best visual storytelling tools to capture the horrors Hamas inflicted on Israel and the devastating toll of Israel’s assault on Gaza. We also revealed astounding Israeli intelligence failures and deadly miscalculations that allowed the Oct. 7 attack to happen.

This is what we really mean when we talk about independent journalism: Coverage that commands attention, whatever your background, experience or perspective.

Prize-winning work

I wanted to use today’s Morning newsletter to highlight not only our coverage of this war, but also some other recent Times journalism that has received recognition. The Pulitzer juries awarded The Times with two other prizes, for investigative reporting and feature writing. We had six finalists as well, showcasing the breadth and depth of the journalism we bring to you every day.

No series we published last year had more impact than Hannah Dreier’s “Alone and Exploited.” Hannah won the Pulitzer Prize for Investigative Reporting for her unflinching look into how child migrants are being exploited for their labor in all 50 states, often working illegally for big name brands. She spent two years reporting the series and worked with a team to assemble a definitive database of child labor injuries and deaths that we made easily accessible to the public.

Our third winner was a story that appeared in our Sunday Magazine called “The Mother Who Changed.” The writer, Katie Engelhart, tells the story of Diane Norelius, a woman with dementia whose daughters worried the man she fell in love with was exploiting her disease and her money. The piece, which won the Pulitzer Prize for Feature Writing, explores how we respect the desires of people when they experience cognitive decline. Katie navigates the many perspectives with empathy and nuance and skillfully guides readers through the ethical and medical complications.

• Over the weekend, residents in several European countries and parts of the U.S. reported unusual sightings of the northern lights. See photos.

• Ahead of the Paris Olympics, concerns are growing that the World Anti-Doping Agency is failing at its mission to keep sports free of illegal drugs.

THE SUNDAY DEBATE

Does the U.S. decision to pause some weapons shipments betray Israel?

Yes. The U.S. claims “ironclad” support of Israel, but it halted certain weapons shipments to the country over concerns about an invasion of Rafah. “Denying it U.S. arms is an invitation to its enemies to take advantage, in hostage talks and on the battlefield,” The Wall Street Journal’s editorial board writes.

No. The pause won’t affect the billions of dollars Congress has allocated to military aid for Israel, making it “the equivalent of giving somebody hundreds of dollars on a daily basis and then making a show of withholding 5 cents,” Al Jazeera’s Belén Fernández writes.

FROM OPINION

“Our closeness was measured in tosses”: Learning how to play catch with her son taught Jessica Shattuck how to let him go as he got older.

Here are columns by Ross Douthat on the morality of the war in Gaza and Zeynep Tufekci on protest crackdowns.

For Mother’s Day, Catherine Pearson collected stories from Times readers about the mother figures in their lives — grandmothers and aunts, teachers and neighbors, and, of course, moms.

• Genevieve Geer wrote about Mrs. Dunn, her friend’s mother, who “taught me that when you can’t get in through the front door, there is always a side door, or a window, to slip into the places you wanted to go.”

• Judith Shapiro wrote about Ruth, her childhood nanny, who “let me stay up late on Sunday nights, curled up next to her in an overstuffed chair, watching our favorite television shows.”

• Marjorie George wrote about Miss Jordan, her fifth-grade teacher, who “was a powerful example of what a Black woman could be.”

You can read many more stories in Catherine’s article, “An Ode to Those Who Mother Us.”

MORNING READS

A farewell: By the end of this year, only two Chuck E. Cheese locations will have the chain’s hallmark animatronic band.

Vows: The Broadway actress Lindsay Mendez got married on her day off. Jonathan Groff officiated, and Daniel Radcliffe was the ring bearer.

Lives Lived: Mary Wells Lawrence was the first woman to own and run a major national advertising agency. Her company, Wells Rich Greene, was best known for the “I ♥ NY” campaign. She died at 95.

THE INTERVIEW

This week’s subject for The Interview is the author, comedian and influential radio host Charlamagne Tha God. We talked about what he makes of polls showing the Democrats losing Black voter support, his personal politics and why he’s not endorsing anyone in the presidential election.

A lot has been made of polls showing Black support for the Democrats cratering. I’m wondering what you’re thinking as more and more of these polls keep showing the same thing.

I think you might see a slight uptick in Black people voting for Trump this year, but I think it’s overstated. I think the biggest thing that people are gonna have to fight against this year is the couch. And the couch is voter apathy. This is probably the most — and what I’m about to say is going to sound so cliché — this is probably the most consequential election of my lifetime. I’m not gonna say of all time. But it’s hard to get people to believe that, because we say that about every presidential election, because every Republican candidate has been demonized. So now that you really do have the wolf out there, you look like the party who cried wolf because you put everything on the same scale.

The thing that I’m hearing you say is that you believe that Trump is the wolf at the door, that democracy is under threat. And I’ve also heard you say, “I will not endorse President Biden and Kamala Harris.”

’Cause I just feel like I’ve been burned with that before. You put your name on the line, you endorse somebody, you tell your audience, This is who you should go out there and vote for, and your audience goes and does it. And then when they don’t see these things that they thought were going to get pushed through, they don’t understand civics. All they know is Charlamagne told me to vote for this person because this was gonna happen, and this didn’t happen.

Read more of the interview here.

THE NEW YORK TIMES MAGAZINE

Times best sellers: Erik Larson’s “The Demon of Unrest” depicts the months between the election of Abraham Lincoln and the beginning of the Civil War. It is a No. 1 debut on the hardcover nonfiction list this week.

THE MORNING RECOMMENDS …

Make your own hot honey.

Try these mascaras.

THE WEEK AHEAD

What to Watch For

• Today is Mother’s Day.

• Maryland, Nebraska and West Virginia hold presidential primaries on Tuesday.

• The man who attacked Nancy Pelosi’s husband, Paul Pelosi, in their home is expected to be sentenced on Friday.

Meal Plan

In this week’s Five Weeknight Dishes newsletter, Mia Leimkuhler sings the praises of tofu cream — a pourable sauce made from blended tofu, miso and garlic. Use it to make creamy vegan tofu noodles, a dish that takes just 20 minutes and will win over everyone, vegan or not.

NOW TIME TO PLAY

Russian forces continued their advance across northeastern Ukraine on Sunday, seizing a number of small settlements along the border and forcing Ukrainian troops to retreat from some positions, aid workers and the Ukrainian military said.

Aid workers said that Russian troops had advanced deeper inside Ukrainian territory and were now threatening several small towns on the outskirts of Kharkiv, Ukraine’s second largest city.

According to a Ukrainian military unit, the Russian forces are pushing hard from the Russia-Ukraine border toward Kharkiv.

“Today, during heavy fighting, our defenders were forced to withdraw from a few more of their positions, and today, another settlement has come completely under Russian control,” said a video statement released on Saturday night by Hostri Kartuzy, a Ukrainian special forces unit. “The Russians are dying in droves. But they are pressing on regardless and succeeding in some areas.”

Russian forces launched a complex, surprise offensive on Friday, deploying fighter jets, artillery units, infantry and armor, surging across the northeastern frontier between Russia and Ukraine.

With fighting raging in the area, cross-border fire has intensified and Russia accused Ukraine on Sunday of hitting a multistory building in the Russian city of Belgorod, about 45 miles from Kharkiv. The Russian state-run news agency TASS said there had been at least 17 casualties, without specifying a death toll.

Russia’s Defense Ministry said fragments from an intercepted Ukrainian missile had struck the building. Vyacheslav Gladkov, the governor of the Belgorod region, posted video from the scene showing an enormous hole in a building. “The entire entrance from the tenth to the first floor collapsed,” he said.

The claims could not be independently verified and Ukrainian officials did not immediately comment on the strike.

Russia’s new offensive push near Kharkiv has allowed its troops to quickly seize dozens of square miles of Ukrainian territory. Civilians living in the small towns and country villages along the border have been caught in the crossfire, and many are desperately trying to escape. More than 4,000 people have been evacuated, Kharkiv’s governor said on Sunday morning. Some of them were extracted with their pets. Others have been taken out on stretchers.

All day Saturday, small vans and even bright yellow school buses rumbled over deeply cratered roads littered with bomb shrapnel to rescue people who were trapped in towns that had come under intense shelling.

On Sunday, people who had evacuated were pleading with their loved ones still in the border villages to leave.

Svitlana Nahorna said her husband was trapped in Bilyi Kolodiaz, a small village northeast of Kharkiv.

“I’ve been pleading with him to leave, but he refused,” she said in a sheltered for displaced people in Kharkiv. “We’re afraid whether it’s even possible to get him out now.”

Military analysts believe that the Russians launched this attack to distract the thinly stretched Ukrainian forces from the contested battlefields of eastern Ukraine and force them to divert troops they cannot spare to the northeastern border area.

The Russians are also trying to carve out a buffer zone along the border to make it more difficult for Ukrainian forces to launch artillery into Russia. The Russians might also be trying to get close enough to Kharkiv to shell it and sow panic, as they did in the early days of the war in 2022, analysts say.

“The seizure of Kharkiv City most certainly is a desired operational objective for Russian forces, but not one that the Russian military appears to be pursuing in the near term,” the Institute for the Study of War, a Washington-based research group, said in a report on Saturday.

The group said the most likely aim of the attack was to “draw Ukrainian forces from other sectors of the front while allowing Russian forces” to advance to within “artillery range of Kharkiv City.”

President Volodymyr Zelensky of Ukraine seemed to hit a note of increasing concern in an address on Saturday. “The focus is primarily on the front line,” he said.

Citing all of the combat engagements in eastern Ukraine, he added, “It’s extremely difficult.”

Constant Méheut contributed reporting from Kyiv.

“Dad, I don’t think I’m old enough to handle this.”

Those words were hard to hear. They were my daughter’s words of despair when she received the worst news of her life: The baby she was carrying suffered from grave defects. That sweet baby, named Lila, was diagnosed with gastroschisis, a dangerous condition in which her intestines were developing outside her body. She also had only one healthy kidney, and her very small size indicated that she might have a fatal genetic anomaly.

And Camille was indeed young: 21 years old. She married her high school sweetheart while she was in college, and she got pregnant her senior year. All this sounds unusual, especially in an era when Americans are getting married and having children at older ages than ever before, but marriage at a relatively young age fit Camille. She was always an old soul, and so was her husband. They were mature beyond their years, but this moment felt different. The news about Lila was terrifying — crushing, actually.

I didn’t really know what to say in response. I knew she’d rise to the occasion, but I could see in her eyes that she wasn’t ready for a motivational speech. When you get bad news, there are times you don’t need encouragement so much as empathy. All I could think to say was, “No one is old enough for this news. There is no right age for this challenge.” We cried, we prayed, and then we prepared. Our daughter was becoming a mother in the most difficult of circumstances.

And it was one of the most beautiful things I’ve ever seen.

Her first concrete decision as a mom was to refuse amniocentesis. Though she desperately wanted more information about Lila, the thought of any additional risk to her baby was too much for her to bear. She’d find out Lila’s true condition when she gave birth; then and only then would we know if she’d live.

Camille delivered Lila at Vanderbilt Children’s Hospital in Nashville on Dec. 15, 2020. Pandemic regulations kept us at home, and they even limited the amount of time that Camille and her husband, Jarrett, could spend with their new baby. No other family members could be with Camille and Jarrett when Lila was whisked away to surgery. They were alone with her when the post-op pain was so great that Lila briefly stopped breathing. They were alone with her when the Nashville Christmas bombing cut off all communication with Vanderbilt.

The bomb blew up an AT&T facility, and we immediately lost all phone and internet service. The phones at Vanderbilt even went dead for a time. And so Camille continued her bedside vigil with her tiny recovering daughter cut off from her parents and her siblings, unsure of what was happening in an outside world that seemed to be falling apart.

By God’s grace and through the incredible work of the skilled surgeons at Vanderbilt, Lila survived. On New Year’s Eve, Camille brought her sweet baby home to our house.

My father has always said that parenthood only gets better with age, and now I know exactly what he means. With each passing year, you know your children better, your relationship evolves, and by the time they’re young adults, you can often learn from them. When Camille became a mother, it unlocked a new dimension to our relationship. I saw her absorb the best of our parenting and forge her own parental identity. I saw shades of us in how she loved Lila, but I also saw the way in which Camille was uniquely Camille. She wasn’t too young for her trial. She faced it squarely and courageously, and now beautiful little Lila is healthy and happy and loves her mom very, very much.

After those early, scary days, Camille’s life became much more routine. She had a second baby, a healthy boy named Ezra. She and Jarrett were admitted to the University of Chicago Law School, and now they’re building a life in Hyde Park. She is deferring admission to stay with the kids, and he leaves this summer for the Marine Corps, where he is training to be a Marine JAG officer.

All was well. Until it wasn’t again. The cancer diagnosis of my wife, Nancy, put our family back in a state of crisis. Once again, we rallied together. Camille came back home, but she was a different person. She’d been through the fire herself. She had learned to love a person facing ultimate distress, and when she embraced Nancy, she embraced her not just with a daughter’s arms but with a mother’s arms as well. The hands that held her vulnerable child now held her vulnerable mother, with a degree of love and care and nurturing that’s difficult to describe.

I know that Mother’s Day is hard for some people. I know that there are millions who experience this Sunday with a sense of aching loss. They lost their mothers, or they never had them, and this day rekindles their pain. Many others struggle during a day filled with tributes to other people’s mothers — when their own mothers might have failed them in the worst of ways.

This Mother’s Day is hard for us as well. We long for the days when life will be routine again. It feels like such a short time between the crisis we faced with Lila and the crisis we now face with Nancy.

But I’m still grateful. I’m grateful for my mother, who has loved me sacrificially every day of my life. I’m grateful for my wife, who has loved our three children so very well. And I’m grateful to have watched my oldest daughter become a mother. Watching her journey, I’ve gained even more awareness of that marvelous, almost magical transformation that occurs when you hold your own child.

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Roger Corman, who for decades dominated the world of B movies as the producer or director of countless proudly low-budget horror, science fiction and crime films, has died. He was 98.

He died on Thursday at his home in Santa Monica, Calif., according to a statement provided by his family and posted late Saturday on his official Instagram page. The statement did not specify a cause of death.

Mr. Corman produced more than 300 films and directed roughly 50 of them (the exact number is hard to determine, because he directed or helped direct some without a credit), including cult classics like “A Bucket of Blood” (1959), “The Masque of the Red Death” (1964), “The Wild Angels” (1966) and the original “The Little Shop of Horrors” (1960), which he shot for $35,000 in two days on a set left over from somebody else’s movie. When he got tired of directing, he opened the door to Hollywood for talented young protégés like Francis Ford Coppola (“Dementia 13”), Martin Scorsese (“Boxcar Bertha”), Jonathan Demme (“Caged Heat”), Peter Bogdanovich (“Targets”) and Ron Howard (“Grand Theft Auto”).

Mr. Corman “was able to nurture other talent in a way that was never envious or difficult, but always generous,” Mr. Scorsese said of him. “He once said: ‘Martin, what you have to get is a very good first reel, because people want to know what’s going on. Then you need a very good last reel, because people want to hear how it all turns out. Everything else doesn’t really matter.’ Probably the best sense I have ever heard about the movies.”

Among the others Mr. Corman nurtured was Jack Nicholson, who was 21 when Mr. Corman gave him his first movie role, the lead in “The Cry Baby Killer” (1958), and 23 when he had a small part as a masochistic dental patient in “The Little Shop of Horrors.” Before he went on to stardom, Mr. Nicholson acted in eight Corman movies and wrote three of them, including “The Trip,” an uncautionary tale about LSD.

Bruce Dern and Peter Fonda were also part of the Corman repertory company, working together in “The Trip” and “The Wild Angels.” An unknown Robert De Niro played Shelley Winters’s heroin-addicted son in “Bloody Mama” (1970). The first script by Robert Towne, who later went on to write the Oscar-winning screenplay for “Chinatown,” was Mr. Corman’s nuclear-catastrophe love triangle, “The Last Woman on Earth” (1960). In order to earn his fee, Mr. Towne was also required to play the movie’s second lead, a handsome young man who is killed by the Last Woman’s jealous husband.

In addition to being remembered for the opportunities he gave young filmmakers, Mr. Corman was renowned for his ability to make movies with almost no money and even less time. In 1967, for example, Boris Karloff owed Mr. Corman two days’ work. According to Mr. Bogdanovich, “Roger said: ‘I want you to take 20 minutes of Karloff footage from “The Terror,” then I want you to shoot 20 more minutes with Boris, and then I want you to shoot another 40 minutes with some other actors over 10 days. I can take the 20 and the 20 and the 40, and I’ve got a whole new 80-minute Karloff film.’”

The result was the critically praised “Targets,” in which Mr. Karloff played an aging horror film star who confronts a deranged Vietnam veteran on a murderous rampage at a drive-in theater where one of his movies is playing.

From 1954 to 1970, Mr. Corman produced or directed dozens of movies for American International Pictures, most of them on a handshake deal with the fabled B-movie impresario Samuel Z. Arkoff. Budgets started at $29,000. “The Wild Angels,” considered a big movie, cost $360,000.

Bringing Bergman to the Drive-In

In 1970 Mr. Corman formed his own production and distribution company, New World Pictures. What he did next surprised Hollywood: He became the American distributor of Ingmar Bergman’s “Cries and Whispers.” The film earned Bergman nominations for Academy Awards in 1974 as writer and director; the film’s cinematographer, Sven Nykvist, won an Oscar.

In his autobiography, “How I Made a Hundred Movies in Hollywood and Never Lost a Dime” (1990, written with Jim Jerome), Mr. Corman explained that he did not want his new company “to be identified, even stigmatized, by exploitation filmmaking.” So he booked Bergman into drive-ins, and New World went on to distribute films by Akira Kurosawa, François Truffaut and Federico Fellini.

“Cries and Whispers” made a profit of more than $1 million in American theaters. Nonetheless, the name Roger Corman forever remained, in the words of the film critic David Thomson, “a synonym for blithe exploitation.”

Roger William Corman was born on April 5, 1926, in Detroit. The son of an engineer, he assumed that he would be an engineer, too.

Even during the Depression, his parents, William and Anne (High) Corman, and their two sons — Roger was 18 months older than his brother, Gene — lived comfortably. But his father had to take a major cut in pay, and to Roger it was obvious that the wolf was lurking around the next corner.

“I have always assumed that somehow shaped my attitude toward money,” Mr. Corman reflected in his autobiography.

Driven west by the harsh Michigan winters, the family moved to Southern California. After excelling at Beverly Hills High School, Roger spent a year as an engineering student at Stanford University in the middle of World War II, then spent his sophomore and junior years at the University of Colorado as a cadet in a Navy program.

He returned to Stanford when the war ended, graduating in 1947 with a degree in industrial engineering. But after working for just four days as an electrical engineer, he quit engineering forever.

He was hired as a messenger at 20th Century Fox for $32.50 a week and eventually rose to story reader. But, he wrote in his memoir, “I knew I was going to be a writer, producer or director of motion pictures, and I needed more background in the arts of the 20th century,” so he enrolled at the University of Oxford on the G.I. Bill to study the work of T.S. Eliot and D.H. Lawrence.

After six months at Oxford and six months in Paris, he came home and sold a chase-across-the-desert script to Allied Artists for $3,500. He was so unhappy with the finished film, “Highway Dragnet,” directed by Nathan Juran, that he decided to become his own producer.

An Inauspicious Start

With the $3,500, a borrowed one-man submarine and $6,500 raised from a dozen friends, he was almost ready to film “Monster From the Ocean Floor,” a movie about a man-eating mutant spawned by atomic testing. But he needed another $2,000 and a director. He got both by offering the directing job to a young actor, Wyott Ordung, if Mr. Ordung, who also appeared in the film, would put up the last $2,000.

On his first few movies, Mr. Corman produced, thought up the story, drove the equipment truck and filled in as a stunt driver. Knowing nothing about directing but needing another outlet for his energy, he became his own director in 1955 with “Five Guns West.” For the next 15 years, he directed almost all the films he produced.

He earned his first taste of respectability and the favor of European critics with a series of horror films based on Edgar Allan Poe stories, most of them starring Vincent Price. The series began with “House of Usher” in 1960, with a script by the science-fiction writer Richard Matheson, and culminated in 1964 with “The Masque of the Red Death,” photographed by Nicolas Roeg, and “The Tomb of Ligeia.” (“The Raven,” released in 1963, was a horror comedy, starring Mr. Price, Mr. Karloff and Peter Lorre, that is sometimes considered part of the Poe series but was based only loosely on the poem of the same name.)

Mr. Corman liked to call himself an outlaw filmmaker, and many of his movies celebrated outlaws: Peter Fonda as the head of a nihilistic motorcycle gang in “The Wild Angels,” with real Hells Angels riding their choppers alongside the actors; Shelley Winters as the incestuous head of a murderous family in “Bloody Mama”; drivers rated on how fast they drove and how many pedestrians they killed in the 1975 film “Death Race 2000.”(That film was remade as “Death Race” in 2008, with Mr. Corman as executive producer, followed by several straight-to-video sequels.)

In preparation for “The Trip” (1967), he spent seven hours hugging the ground beneath a redwood tree in Big Sur while tripping on LSD for, he said, the first and only time.

“The Wild Angels,” “Bloody Mama,” “Death Race 2000” and “The Trip” were all denounced by critics, and they all made money. One of Mr. Corman’s few commercial failures was his most deeply felt film, “The Intruder” (1962), the story of a rabble-rousing white supremacist. Mr. Corman gave the role of the Northern bigot who spreads hatred in a Southern town to a young stage actor, William Shatner. When no studio agreed to be his partner, Mr. Corman, a self-proclaimed lifelong liberal, provided most of the $80,000 budget and distributed “The Intruder” himself.

New World, New Honors

By 1970, Mr. Corman was burned out by directing and by his peripatetic bachelor life. That summer he completed the last movie he would direct for 20 years, “Von Richthofen and Brown,” about the World War I German flying ace known as the Red Baron and the Allied pilot who shot him down. (His next directorial effort, the 1990 science fiction-horror hybrid “Frankenstein Unbound,” was also his last.)

On Dec. 26, 1970, at the age of 44, Mr. Corman married Julie Halloran, a former Los Angeles Times researcher whom he had been dating off and on for six years. With his wife and his brother as co-producers, he formed New World Pictures.

At New World, he was responsible for “The Student Nurses,” “Private Duty Nurses” and “I Never Promised You a Rose Garden,” an intelligent and disturbing adaptation of Hannah Green’s semi-autobiographical novel about a teenage girl with schizophrenia, which received an Academy Award nomination for its screenplay, by Gavin Lambert and Lewis John Carlino.

He sold New World in 1983, keeping the valuable film library, and promptly created a new production and distribution company, Concorde-New Horizons. In 1997 he sold Concorde-New Horizons and its library for $100 million.

He is survived by his wife Julie and his daughters Catherine and Mary, according to the statement from his family.

Mr. Corman remained active into the 21st century. He produced “Splatter” (2009), a three-part online horror series with a difference — audience votes determined which characters would be killed — for Netflix. He produced intentionally cheesy monster movies like “Sharktopus” (2010), “Piranhaconda” (2012) and “CobraGator” (2016) for the Syfy channel.

He received an honorary Oscar in 2009, and in 2011 he was the subject of a well-received documentary feature, “Corman’s World: Exploits of a Hollywood Rebel,” directed by Alex Stapleton.

Interviewed by The Hollywood Reporter in 2013, Mr. Corman was philosophical about his life’s work. “Motion pictures have always been part art and part business,” he said. “If I have a burning vision, it’s to keep on working.”

Peter Keepnews and Yan Zhuang contributed reporting.

I have never played on an athletic team. As a child, I was not fast or coordinated or interested in anything that involved chasing, catching or otherwise playing ball. My mother, who grew up in postwar Germany, associated youth sports with the Hitler Youth and the Nazi obsession with fostering the “prey instinct” through competition and strength. These concerns dovetailed conveniently with my anti-gym-class feelings.

But in the long, cold and gloomy spring of 2020, I found myself the mother of an 8-year-old son who wanted nothing more than to play ball. This was the heart of early Covid; there were no organized sports, no activities, no babysitting, no school. Will’s older sisters (both teenagers) wanted no part in this activity. My husband was game, but Will’s appetite for catch was voracious. So I donned his spare baseball glove and let him teach me how to catch and throw.

American film and literature are threaded through with stories of fathers and sons playing ball, from Donald Hall’s essays “Fathers Playing Catch With Sons” to a father appearing on the baseball diamond in “Field of Dreams,” transcending death to participate in a game of catch with his son. I had always seen the game as a vaunted male tradition, laced with the pathos and psychodrama of inherited hopes and aspirations, the handing down of secret, implied codes of manhood.

But as I picked up a glove, the imagined maleness of the game offered me a certain freedom. I was not modeling what it means to be a man or re-enacting a ritual from my childhood. Will was not struggling to meet my expectations, even as I might be struggling to meet his. He was the teacher here. I got to appreciate his patience, his focus on detail, his encouragement.

We also weren’t talking. I am a writer who loves putting things into words, but Will doesn’t always love my questions or my boring mom-talk gambits. Here our closeness was measured in tosses, not words. Best of all, by the simple necessity of keeping the ball in the air, we were both fully present.

Will was an excellent coach: He broke the actions of catching and throwing down into a series of discrete steps: Crook your elbow just so, put your weight into the throw, follow through after release. Over — a lot of — time (lack of experience did not, in my case, conceal natural talent) I learned to overcome the frustration of a streak of bad throws or misses, to try less hard, sometimes, in order to do better, to take a breath and reset.

We fell into a rhythm and played for hours on our dead-end street. It wasn’t always fun: I became cranky when I repeatedly missed the ball. And on a cold day, it was hard to cheerily get off the sofa to go throw a ball outside.

Our game, miraculously, continued even after lockdowns were lifted. I still love the satisfying smack of the ball into the mitt, the almost magical feeling of stopping it midair. I like the thrill of reaching some number of consecutive passes, the singular focus of our combined concentration. Most of all I love spending the time, outside, with my son.

Will is 12 now, and on a travel baseball team; I have nothing to offer by way of meaningful “practice.” We have reversed roles: Now I’m the one asking him to get up off the couch and play.

Parenthood is so full of letting go — not just of children turning into young adults and leaving home, but of so many little selves along the path to adulthood. The smiley, round-cheeked toddler becomes the shy 7-year-old; the thoughtful, shaggy-haired kindergartner becomes the clean-cut, Celtics-mad fifth grader. Sometimes the urge to hold on feels almost frantic. The only way to pin time down is to remember: this moment, this boy, this place. Ritual and repetition.

When we first started playing, we would begin a few feet apart and with every completed catch take a step back, expanding the distance between us. Now when we play, I’m all the way up by the neighbor’s pine tree, and Will is down by the mailbox. He is almost a foot taller than he was at the start. Even if it’s been a while, the muscle memory soon kicks in: Catch, draw your arm back, crook your elbow, let go.

Two months before the Olympics are scheduled to begin in Paris, the global agency tasked with policing doping in sports is facing a growing crisis as it fends off allegations it helped cover up the positive tests of elite Chinese swimmers who went on to compete — and win medals — at the last Summer Games.

The allegations are particularly vexing for the World Anti-Doping Agency, which has long billed itself as the gold standard in the worldwide movement for clean sports, because they raise the specter that the agency — and by extension the entire system set up to try to keep the Olympics clean — cannot be trusted.

Athletes are openly questioning whether WADA can be relied upon to do its core job of ensuring there will be a level playing field in Paris, where some of the same Chinese swimmers are favorites to win more medals.

And in recent days, pressure on WADA has increased significantly, particularly from the United States, which is one of the agency’s chief funders, and as new questions have emerged about WADA’s appointment of an independent prosecutor to investigate the allegations, and whether WADA has provided an accurate account to the public about the appointment, according to interviews and documents reviewed by The New York Times.

On Wednesday, the Biden administration’s top drug official — who is also a member of WADA’s executive committee — sent a stinging letter to the antidoping agency laying out how it needs to appoint a truly independent commission to investigate how the positive tests were handled and demanding that its executive board hold an emergency meeting within the next 10 days.

“Let me underscore the extreme concern I have been hearing directly from American athletes and their representatives on this issue,” the official, Dr. Rahul Gupta, wrote in the letter, which was sent on Biden administration letterhead. “As I have shared with you, the athletes have expressed they are heading into the Olympic and Paralympic Games with serious concerns about whether the playing field is level and the competition fair.”

That same day, the senator in charge of the subcommittee that provides funding to WADA, Chris Van Hollen, Democrat of Maryland, said, “We need answers before we support future funding.” (The United States contributes more to WADA’s budget — pledging more than $3.6 million this year — than any nation; the International Olympic Committee matches whatever the United States gives.)

Then on Friday, a congressional aide said that a bipartisan House committee investigating the Chinese Communist Party has begun looking into the positive tests.

Lilly King, a two-time Olympic gold-medalist and a member of U.S.A. Swimming’s Athletes’ Advisory Council, said that she no longer trusts that WADA is doing its job to keep athletes who violate antidoping rules out of the Games.

“I am not confident when I get up on the blocks that the people to my right and my left are clean,” Ms. King said in a telephone interview on Friday. “And that’s really unfortunate, because that’s not something I should have to focus on while racing at the Olympics.”

The mounting pressure and growing concerns about the credibility of Olympic competitions have been met with silence from the two groups that account for a major portion of the International Olympic Committee’s revenue: its chief broadcaster and sponsors.

NBC, whose broadcast rights payments comprise a significant portion of the I.O.C.’s total budget, did not respond to a question about whether it was confident it would be broadcasting an Olympics in which viewers could trust that the athletes they were watching would be clean.

The multimillion-dollar Olympic sponsors — Visa, Airbnb, Coca-Cola and Intel — did not respond to messages seeking comment on whether they were concerned about linking their brands with a Games in which athletes have expressed concerns about cheating. Allianz, a German financial services company, also declined to comment.

The New York Times reported last month that WADA failed to follow its own rules after 23 elite Chinese swimmers all tested positive for the same banned drug in 2021, months before the last Summer Olympics. The drug — trimetazidine, known as TMZ — is a prescription heart medication, but it is popular among athletes looking for an advantage because it helps them train harder, recover faster and quickly moves through the body, making it more difficult to detect.

Two days after the Times article was published, WADA’s president, Witold Banka, and other top officials from the agency held a news conference during which they said they had no choice but to accept the explanation provided by China’s antidoping agency for the positive tests. The Chinese agency claimed that all of the swimmers had inadvertently ingested the drug because they ate food from a kitchen contaminated by TMZ.

In the days that followed, WADA published a lengthy document that again tried to explain its decision.

But neither move satisfied athletes, sports officials and antidoping officials perplexed by WADA’s apparent unwillingness to pursue its own investigation of the positive tests. Within days of the news becoming public, however, WADA appointed a special prosecutor, Eric Cottier, to review its handling of the case.

That decision, too, quickly drew criticism.

Mr. Cottier is a former attorney general of Vaud, a Swiss region that has become the center of international sports, and that is home to several sports organizations, including the I.O.C. But interviews showed that Mr. Cottier had been nominated to lead the investigation by the WADA official who was in charge of auditing the agency’s intelligence and investigations department at the time the Chinese swimmers tested positive.

The auditor, Jacques Antenen, served as Vaud’s police chief under Mr. Cottier when he was Vaud’s attorney general. In a telephone interview on May 3, Mr. Antenen said he had contacted Olivier Niggli, WADA’s most senior administrator, in the days after the disclosure of the positive tests to suggest that Mr. Cottier might be a good choice to lead the investigation.

“I didn’t recommend him; I just said if you need someone, it’s a good choice,” Mr. Antenen said. He said he did not know if others had been considered for the role.

Regardless of Mr. Cottier’s abilities and qualifications, his physical proximity to figures close to WADA, the I.O.C. and the sports movement are problematic, governance experts said.

Mr. Cottier and Christoph de Kepper, the I.O.C.’s director general, were among the people who celebrated Mr. Antenen’s retirement from the police force at a party in 2022. The I.O.C. contributes half of WADA’s annual $40 million budget.

The celebration, which was featured in the police service’s in-house magazine, was first reported by The Associated Press. A caption with a picture of two of the men in the magazine reads, “Attorney General Eric Cottier came to greet his old friend Jacques Antenen.”

A WADA spokesman, James Fitzgerald, said his agency had, in fact, contacted Mr. Antenen first, to ask “if he knew of someone with the requisite credentials, independence and availability to carry out a thorough review of WADA’s handling on this case.”

“These attempts to slur the integrity of a highly regarded professional just as he begins his work are getting more and more ridiculous and are designed to undermine the process,” Mr. Fitzgerald said.

There are also new questions about WADA’s public statements related to the appointment of Mr. Cottier. In a statement to The Times, WADA said it had discussed Mr. Cottier’s appointment with its board before formally appointing him to the role.

But Dr. Gupta’s Office of National Drug Control Policy said in a statement that shortly before the formal announcement of Mr. Cottier’s hiring in April, WADA told its board an investigator had already been chosen.

Dr. Gupta said in his letter to WADA that he was “deeply concerned” that the executive committee “was not adequately briefed with essential information throughout this process.”

Current and former athletes are now asking for more testing worldwide heading into the Paris Games, but they acknowledged that their concerns about the global antidoping regulator are unlikely to be allayed in time for the opening ceremony.

Ms. King, the American swimmer, said that when she learned of the undisclosed positive tests, she felt as if this were a replay of her experience from the 2016 Rio Olympics, when she won a gold medal in the 100-meter breaststroke over a Russian swimmer, Yulia Efimova, who had failed a drug test earlier that year but was allowed to compete after the result was overturned on appeal.

Katie Meili, an athlete representative on U.S.A. Swimming’s board of directors and the bronze medalist in that race behind Ms. King and Ms. Efimova, said athletes had “put a ton of faith in WADA.”

“Yes, the positive tests are a concern, and that’s a bad thing,” she said. “But even more concerning to me is that the international regulator is not doing their job.”

Amy Chang Chien contributed research.