Trump, elections and the politics of spectacle | US Election 2024

The iconic photograph of a bleeding and defiant Donald Trump surrounded by security agents in the aftermath of an assassination attempt will likely go down in history as fully encapsulating who he is, what he believes in, and how he seeks to reshape American politics and society. The events of July 13 have only strengthened the public image he honed in the past decade as president and candidate: a no-holds-barred macho populist who – powered by his business acumen and conservative values – challenges the liberal establishment and promises to make America great again.

The photograph, however, is much bigger than the man, for it captures the deeper political and ideological dynamics in the United States over the past 40 years. In fact, one could argue that Trump has been so successful in politics because he has skilfully made use of key aspects of the culture, economy, governance, power and personal values that have shaped American life since Ronald Reagan’s presidency in the 1980s.

Entertainment (especially sex, sports and reality television), digitised communications, personality cults, free-market economics, global dominance, and unlimited personal aggrandisement and wealth accumulation have captured American minds, even while squeezing and crushing middle and low-income communities.

Bringing elements of the entertainment world into politics has been Trump’s trademark and has helped him capture vast swaths of the US electorate. His ability to captivate crowds was on full display on Saturday.

When the security agents surrounded him and tried to take him to his van to exit the arena, he resisted. He stood up and pumped his clenched fist, shouting “Fight, fight!” The roused crowd responded, “USA! USA!”

Trump appeared not unlike the battered fighters in the wrestling spectacles he loves and has himself participated in. His fist-pumping and chanting was not just a show of defiance but also an entertainer’s trick to whip up his audience into a frenzy and make sure they come back for more in the next show (or donate to his campaign).

This is how the new mercantile politics works in America. Spectacle and emotion attract audiences and advertisers, regardless of whether the issue is a presidential assassination attempt or a dramatic fight between wrestlers.

By using his entertainment skillset, Trump by now has attracted enough voters from all segments of society to recreate the Republican Party in his image. His persona and simplified doctrines are on full display in this week’s Republican National Convention in Milwaukee. It is quite indicative that Dana White, the head of Ultimate Fighting Championship, whose events Trump has often attended, will speak just before the Republican presidential candidate on the fourth day of the convention, July 18.

While Trump basks in all the media attention in Milwaukee, some observers have started raising questions about political violence and polarisation.

The shooting at the Trump rally cannot be seen as unusual in modern America where gun violence and extreme political rhetoric prevail. However, the high-profile target gave it added drama, and propelled the mainstream media into its usual hysteria of wondering why such a fine country as the United States suffers this kind of homegrown political violence.

This was not another 9/11, or an assault by the big three “foreign menaces” of China, Russia or Iran. This was Indigenous terrorism. Where did it come from? Some analysts, academics and media pundits argue that something big changed in the US in the past 40 years, which has affected how individuals engage in society, relate to others and express their sentiments.

The Reagan-to-Trump journey, they say, has peaked today in the triumph of the “political cult”, “political tribalism”, “identity politics”, or “strongman leaders”. These and other expressions all capture the dynamic of men and women across the US whose traditional community-based lives have changed dramatically.

Mass “social decay and despair” keep expanding among Americans, journalist Chris Hedges writes, and push some to adopt Trump as their saviour. They feel isolated and ignored by society, threatened by immigrants, or suffer economic pain. So they cling to leaders who promise salvation and give them a voice by echoing their complaints against the liberals, the media, the government and foreigners.

In this sense, it is hardly surprising that journalists reported Trump supporters shouting obscenities at them after the shooting, and even trying to break into the press pen at the event. Their wounded warrior hero-leader had urged them to keep fighting, and they did.

And this was no precedent. For months, the press corps at most Trump events has had its own security guards, because, in America’s current tribal culture wars, they have been defined by both the right and the left as part of the problem.

Significantly, the Trump cult took an even more religious hue after Saturday’s events. Supporters and fellow Republican politicians, including House Speaker Mike Johnson, evoked “divine intervention” to explain how Trump survived the shooting. They spoke of God’s miracle, the presidential candidate being protected by “the armour of God”, and that God had saved him so that he could defeat the evil forces in society.

Whether this religious mobilisation will help Trump in the November vote remains to be seen. A lot will depend not just on him exploiting the assassination attempt – which he certainly will – by rallying his loyal base and expanding it among undecided voters who appreciate his fighting spirit. A lot will also depend on Joe Biden’s ability to conduct presidential business despite making embarrassing mental and verbal lapses.

Another factor will certainly be the Muslim American and Arab American communities, whose intense anger at Biden’s enthusiastic support for the Israeli genocide in Gaza triggered an organised revolt against voting for him in the primaries earlier this year, especially in key swing states. And it is not just these minority communities; according to polls, some 38 percent of voters are less likely to vote for Biden because of his policies on Israel-Palestine. Given these realities, Biden’s chances of defeating an emboldened Trump do appear in doubt.

Whatever happens in November, one thing is for sure: the iconic image of Trump pumping his fist and bleeding from his ear will remain a symbol of an era in American politics, defined by spectacle and populism, where imagery, emotion, and the universal human quest for mystical saviours triumphed over policy options and consensus decision-making. The disorienting impact of free market economics and entertainment values on ordinary men and women who are worried and do not know where to turn will continue to drive voting patterns for years to come.

The views expressed in this article are the author’s own and do not necessarily reflect Al Jazeera’s editorial stance.